Simpson Study 2 - VSIP.INFO (2023)

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

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como William Kelly Simpson

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honor studies

illiam elly impson tom 2

Edited by Peter Der Manuelian and Rita E. Freed

Department of Ancient Egyptian, Nubia, and Middle Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 1996

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Front cover illustration: Interior of the Ramesseum at Thebes, looking east. Watercolor by Charles Gleyre (1806–1874). On loan from the Trustees of the Lowell Institute. macro-financial aid 156.49. Image courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Back cover image: Palm trees at the Temple of Karnak, Thebes. Watercolor over graphite by Charles Gleyre. On loan from the Trustees of the Lowell Institute. macro-financial aid 157.49. Image courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Endpaper: View of Philae Island. Graphite drawing by Charles Gleyre. On loan from the Trustees of the Lowell Institute. macrofinancial assistance 196.49. Image courtesy The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston Frontispiece: William Kelly Simpson at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1985 Cover illustration: Document presenter from the Merib chapel of the Old Kingdom Giza mastaba (g 2100–1 ), thickness of the north entrance (Ägyptisches Museum Berlin, inventory no. 1107); drawing by Peter Der Manuelian

Syntax in Adobe Trump Medieval and Syntax. Title display type in Egyptian centaur diacritics designed by Nigel Strudwick Hieroglyphic fonts designed by Cleo Huggins with additional characters by Peter Der Manuelian Cover design by Lauren Thomas and Peter Der Manuelian

Edited, composed, engineered and produced by Peter Der Manuelian

Copyright © Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1996 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without the written permission of the publisher.

isbn 0-87846-390-9

Printed in the United States of America by the Henry N. Sawyer Company, Charlestown, Massachusetts Bound by Acme Bookbinding, Charlestown, Massachusetts

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Volume 1 Foreword by Rita E. Freed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Bibliography of William Kelly Simpson, 1963–1996. . . . . . . . . . . xv James P. Allen Some Theban Officials of the Early Middle Kingdom. . . . . . . . . . 1–26 Hartwig Altenmüller Geburtsschrein und Geburtshaus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27–37 Dieter Arnold Hypostyle Halls of the Old and Middle Kingdom? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39–54 Jan Assmann Self-behavior and presentation in ancient Egyptian portraiture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55–81 John Baines on the composition and inscriptions on the Vatican's statue of Udjahorresne. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83–92 Lawrence M. Berman Stele of Shemai, Early Twelfth Dynasty Chief of Police, Cleveland Museum of Art. . . . . . . . . . . 93–99 Janine Bourriau Liszt's Vase of Dolphins. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101–116 Edward Brovarski Inventory of "Covington's Tomb" and the nomenclature of furniture in the Old Kingdom. . . . . . . . . . 117–155 Emma Brunner-Traut Zur wunderbaren Zeugung des Horus nach Plutarch, De Iside Kap. 9. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157–159 Betsy M. Bryan The disjunction of text and image in Egyptian art. . . . . . . . . . . 161–168


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Sue D'Auria Three painted textiles in the Boston Athenaeum Collection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169–176 Margaret A. Leveque Technical Analysis of Three Painted Textiles in the Boston Athenaeum Collection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177–178 Leo Depuydt Egyptian dating of the reign of Cambyses and date of the Persian conquest. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179–190 ch. Goddesses Desroches-Noblecourt and Sema-Taouy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191–197 Elmar Edel Studies on relief fragments from the temple of King Snowfru's mouth. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199–208 Richard Fazzini Statue of High Priest Menkheperreseneb at the Brooklyn Museum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209–225 Gerhard Fecht redeemed Bauer: the second complaint. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227–266 Henry G. Fischer's Notes on Some Old Kingdom and Later Texts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267–274 Detlef Franke Sesostris I., "King of Two Lands" and Demiurge on Elephantine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275–295 Rita E. Freed Stela Workshops of the Early Dynasty 12. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297–336 Florence Dunn Friedman Concepts of the cosmos in the stepped pyramid complex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337–351 Hans Goedicke A special toast. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 353–359 Stephen P. Harvey Decorated Early Dynastic cult post from Abydos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361–378 Zahi Hawass Discovery of the satellite pyramid of Cheops (GI–d). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379–398


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Joyce L. Haynes edits the bat capital at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399–408 Erik Hornung To the real beyond. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409-414 TGH James Howard Carter and Mrs. Kingsmill Marrs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415-428

Volume 2 Jack A. Josephson Head Portrait of Psameticus I? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 429–438 Gerald E. Kaddish Observations on Work Time and Discipline in Ancient Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 439–449 Werner Kaiser Zwei weitere Ìb-Ì∂.t-Belege. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451–459 Timothy Kendall Lost and Found Shards: Two Improved Kushite Items. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461–476 Arielle P. Kozloff A Masterpiece of Three Lives: Tuya Statue in the Vatican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 477–485 Peter Lacovara Old Kingdom earthenware tile. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487–491 Jean-Philippe Lauer Notes on the Imhotep inscription engraved on the pedestal of the Horus Neteri-Khet (Roi de Djoser) monument. . . . . . . . . . 493–498 Jean Leclant and Catherine Berger Des confréries religieuses à Saqqara, à la fin de la XIIe dynasties? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499–506 Mark Lehner Z500 and the layered pyramid of Zawiyet el-Aryan. . . . . . . . . . . . 507–522 Ronald J. Leprohon Late Middle Kingdom stela in private collection. . . . . . . . . . 523–531


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Antonio Loprieno Loyalty to the King, to God, to oneself. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 533–552 Jaromir Malek "Relief of the Coregency" of Akhenaten and Smenchar of Memphis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 553–559 Peter Der Manuelian Presenting a Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 561–588 Yvonne Markowitz Silver ring from Uraeus of Meroë. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 589–594 Geoffrey T. Martin Late Middle Kingdom Prince Byblos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 595–599 Andrea McDowell Exercises for Deir el-Medina Students: Dates. . . . . . . . . . . . 601-608 NB Millet The Nobian Wars. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 609–614 Gamal Mokhtar mummies, modern science and technology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615–619 David O'Connor Sexuality, Sculpture, and the Afterlife; Scenes in the funerary chapel of Pepyankh (Heny the Black). An interpretive essay. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 621–633 Jürgen Osing Zur Funktion einiger Räume des Ramesseums. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 635–646 R. B. Parkinson Khakeperreseneb and traditional fiction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 647–654 Paule Posener-Kriéger Au plaisir des paleographes. Papyrus Caire JE 52003. . . . . . . . . . . 655–664 Stephen Quirke Horn, Feather and Scale and Ships. About titles in the Middle Kingdom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 665–677 Donald B. Redford Mendes and vicinity in the Middle Kingdom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 679–682


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Robert K. Ritner First certification of the kp∂ measure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 683–688 Gay Robins Abbreviated grids in two scenes in a Greco-Roman tomb at Abydos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 689–695 James F. Romano Armand de Potter Collection of Ancient Egyptian Art. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 697–711 Alan R. Schulman The Cushitic Connection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 713–715 Gerry D. Scott, III Old Kingdom Sculpture at the San Antonio Museum of Art. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 717–723 David P. Silverman The Magic Bricks of Hunuro. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 725–741 Hourig Sourouzian Headless Sphinx of Sesostris II from Heliopolis in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 37796. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 743–754 Anthony Spalinger From Esna to Ebers: an attempt at calendar archaeology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 755–763 Donald B. Spanel Palaeographic and Epigraphic Distinctions Between Texts of the So-Called First Intermediate Period and Early Twelfth Dynasty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 765–786 Rainer Stadelmann Origins and development of the Djoser funerary complex. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 787–800 Bruce G. Trigger Toshka and Arminn in the New Kingdom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 801–810 Jean Vercoutter Les Minéraux dans la naissance des Civilizations de la Vallée du Nil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 811–817


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Cornelius C. Vermeule Mythological and decorative carvings of colored stones from Egypt, Greece, North Africa, Asia Minor and Cyprus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 819–828 Pascal Vernus Reflections and adaptations of monarchical ideology in the second transition period: Stela Antef-le-victorieux. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 829–842 Kent R. Weeks towards the establishment of a pre-Islamic archaeological database. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 843–854 Edward F. Wente A Goat for a Sick Woman (Ostracon Wente). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 855–867 Christiane Zivie-Coche Miscellanea Ptolemaica. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 869–874 Authors' address list. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 875–877



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Psamtik I head portrait?

Jack A. Josephson


illiam kelly simpson, an eminent historian and philologist without equal, always showed a great concern and fascination with the objects of ancient egypt. His long tenure and record of important acquisitions at the Museum of Fine Arts attest to this enduring interest. He respectfully dedicates this short essay on the stylistic analysis of the mysterious royal head to a great scholar and good friend. Few pharaohs have reigned longer or more successfully than Psameticus I (664-610 B.C.E.).1 He was the founder of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty (of the Saites) and was something of a mystery due to the paucity of information about the life of him It is usually assumed that he came from Libya2. He began his reign as a vassal of the Assyrians, but later, during their decline, aggressively filled the void left by them, extending Egypt's influence to the Levant.3 A shrewd politician, Psameticus spent the early years of his reign consolidating his power in the Delta, and then, using diplomacy instead of force, reunited Upper and Lower Egypt. He made generous use of Hellenistic mercenaries to augment the capabilities of the army, which performed garrison duties and extended his dominion to parts of Lebanon and Palestine. Throughout his long reign, Psameticus maintained his royal residence at Sais in the western delta, with Memphis as the political and administrative capital of Egypt. He certainly traveled there and probably also to the Levant. There are no records of trips to Upper Egypt; he apparently content to be represented at Thebes by his daughter Nitocris, who became Divine 1 Thess.

dates used in this article are from J. Baines and J. Málek, Atlas of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1980). 2 A[nthony] S[palinger], LĘ 4 (Wiesbaden, 1982), col., page 1166. The author uses the word "probably" to describe the Libyan origin of Psamtyk I. 3 See A. Spalinger, "The concept of monarchy in the era of the Saitas: an essay of synthesis", Orientalia 47 (1978), pp. 16–17. 4 K.A.

Cuisine, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (Warminster, 1986), page 402. N. Grimal, History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 1992), page 357. 6 See M. Smith, "Did Psammetichus Die Abroad," Orientalia Lovaniense Periodica 22 (Louvain, 1991), page 109. 5 Cf

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Consort of Amun and played an important role in the reunification of Egypt. In addition to her mainly political successes, Psametichus had a prosperous reign which, according to Grimal, led to a renaissance in the construction of temples with carvings and bas-reliefs7. An extraordinary number of artifacts from this period, which is commonly referred to as the "Renaissance"8, have survived to this day. It was certainly a revival of an artistic tradition whose roots go back to the Old Kingdom9. Necho II (610–595 BC) ascended to the throne after the death of his father in 610 BC. There is no evidence that any monument built or dedicated to Psameticus I was appropriated or desecrated. It is therefore credulous to assume that not a single anthropomorphic image of this great king with an inscription has survived. There must be some explanation as to why so few relics of this monarch have survived. It is reasonable to assume that Delta, and Sais in particular, has preserved abundant artifacts from his fifty-four year reign. Porter and Moss list a considerable number of blocks bearing his name, although they do not show any temples built by him.10 His royal residence, necropolis, and possibly numerous temples were there, now largely submerged. The difficulty of excavating the area makes it an expensive and possibly fruitless endeavor, though this now inaccessible site must surely contain many statues of him. Memphis, his capital and not far from Sais, should also be a logical place to find his statues. However, Porter and Moss mention almost none of the remains of him in Memphis. Thebes, of all the major centers in Egypt except the Delta, seems to have the most (although not many) relics associated with Psameticus I. Although he probably never visited the area, Nictocris or others must have ensured that his name was there. visible. The answer to this mysterious lack of traces of Psameticus I may be political. Although Grimal argues that there was an increase in construction activity during the reign of the Sai dynasty,12 it may have started after the reign of the founder. All available evidence points in this direction. One can imagine that Psametichus' attention was focused more on his political endeavors with the Assyrians than on the perpetuation of his long reign as 7 Grimal,

Ancient Egypt, page 357. "The Concept of Monarchy," page 12. 9 See BV Bothmer, Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period; 700 BC–100 AD. (Brooklyn, 1960), page XXXVII. 10 See PM IV (Oxford, 1934). 11 See PM III, parts 1 and 2 (Oxford, 1974). 12 See footnote 5. 8 Spalinger,


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Jack A. Josephson, Psametic Head Portrait?

Dig. 1. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 36915; photo courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum, Corpus of Late Egyptian Sculpture.

Pharaoh. While sending Nictocris to Thebes and allowing Montuemhat to continue his hegemony in Upper Egypt was shrewd, it was quite abnormal behavior for an all-powerful pharaoh. The impression given by his various actions is that of a loner, insecure in the use of power and, in the latter sense, fundamentally at odds with his predecessors on the throne of Egypt. Although there are still unexplored areas, especially in the Delta, that may provide more information about Psameticus I, it is reasonable to assume that he will remain one of the lesser-known rulers of Egypt, whose reign was so long and whose achievements were so significant. The relatively small sphinx in Cairo (Fig. 1) named after him is the only surviving three-dimensional representation of Psameticus I13. His face is completely idealized, the only notable features being a long face and unusually downward-sloping cosmetic lines. It is not a portrait in the sense of recognizing the subject or treating it realistically. However, there are several relief portraits of this king that show unusual facial features. The two effigies of Psameticus I in the Theban tomb of Montuemhat show him with a prominent nose, thick, protruding lips, a noticeably receding but knobby chin, and a pronounced jowl with a slight wrinkle on the body where it meets the neck.15 Other Relief depicting this king of Edfu is so similar to the one in the tomb of Montuemhat that it could have been done by the same hand. portrait (fig. 2)17. The physiognomic peculiarities visible in these images reinforce the impression that the faces on the bas-reliefs represent the official, and perhaps royal, image of the king. Thus, a compelling case could be made for attributing an uninscribed statue to Psameticus I, should an anomalous royal statue with these rather unusual facial features be discovered. Unfortunately, that hasn't happened yet. The lack of a three-dimensional model of the likeness of Psamthecus I, other than the idealized Cairo Sphinx, makes it difficult to attribute an unidentified real likeness to him. No known royal statue is 13

Egyptian Museum, JE 36915; limestone, L. 140 cm; PM 2 (Oxford, 1972), page 143. The most recent and excellent exposition on the subject is that of R. Brilliant, Portraiture (Cambridge, Ma., 1991). 15 K. Myåliwiec, Royal Portraits of Dynasties XXI–XXX (Mainz, 1988), pl. 51, ab. Urgentes Russmann gives a similar description of these portraits in "Relief Decoration in the Tomb of Mentuemhat (TT 34)", JARCE 31 (1994), page 16. 16 Cairo, Egyptian Museum JE 38997; sandstone; Myåliwiec, ibid., pl. 51, c.17 British Museum, 20; Myåliwiec, ibid., pl. 54, a-b. 14

Dig. 2. British Museum, London 20; photo courtesy of the trustees of the British Museum.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

panties. 3–5. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York X 358; photos courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Dig. 4.

characteristic features visible on the bas-reliefs. Only a small number of headless fragments of this king's statue appear to have survived.18 If a portrait head is present, only stylistic analysis can be used to identify it. I believe that the actual bust now in New York (fig. 3-5) can be convincingly attributed to Psammeticus I.19 The Metropolitan Museum fragment has not been examined at all: there is no record of its purchase or gift20 . the statue spent many years in storage with doubts about its authenticity. Cyril Aldred, while working on 18. His list was compiled by A. Leahy, "Saite Royal Sculpture: A Review", GM 80 (1984), page 62. See also Bothmer, ESLP, page 29, no. 25 pl. 22, figure. 51. The torso fragment with the name Wa-ib-ra on the belt is attributed to Psameticus I. Bothmer believes that the fragment is in the Theban style. Leahy does not mention this statue. 19

Metropolitan Museum of Art, X 358; granite (granodiorite?), height 31 cm; BATHROOM. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II (Cambridge, 1959), page 343.


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Jack A. Josephson, Psametic Head Portrait?

Dig. 5.

The Metropolitan Museum recognized the statue as ancient in 1956. It did not assign it to the 26th Dynasty, but to the 19th Dynasty. Aldred based his date on various iconographic details, one of which was the rise of the Uraeus. He ignored some other details that were not common to the 19th Dynasty because he considered the statue to be unfinished. Because Aldred, one of the most distinguished art historians of this century, vouched for the legitimacy of the statue, he avoided the obscurity to which he had been relegated.


According to Dorothea Arnold, Chair of the Department of Egyptian Art at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, I would also like to express my gratitude to Dr. Arnold for allowing me to publish this figure and for her kind assistance in maintaining the Museum's records. 21 From Aldred's notes in the archives of the Egyptian Department of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

and prejudices derived from the lack of provenance and abnormal appearance. A few years ago, E. R. Russmann, then assistant curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, suggested that this fragment of the statue belongs to the work of the early Sait dynasty. It was obvious to her that she represented Psamtika I.22 B.V. Bothmer, believing the statue to be ancient, suggested an earlier date (perhaps based on Aldred's attribution) ranging from the Ramessides to the Third Intermediate Period.23 In this article, I hope to expand upon Russmann's astute observation and show the high probability that the The Metropolitan Museum of Art has a unique portrait of Psameticus I. Unfortunately, such an attribution must remain uncertain unless future excavations uncover a suitable inscribed example. The detail on the statue in New York is exceptionally well carved with fine details carved out of very difficult stone, which leads me to disagree with Aldred's opinion that this statue was not finished. Aldred believed that the single chin strap, the lack of a chin strap, and even the shape of the face indicated an incomplete condition. However, the gloss of the surface and the careful workmanship speak against this. The quality of the workmanship is undeniably high, as befits a product from the real workshop. The attention that the sculptor devoted to the modeling, the finishing of the surfaces and the formation of the nemes shows that it is a finished work. Also, the use of a single line to outline the fringe of the beard is common in the 26.24 Dynasty. The statue has a nemes headdress with remnants of a symmetrical single-looped ureus. The nemes tail falls below the level of the shoulder blades, where the rear post is not immediately visible. However, there is a small bump just below the tail that may just be the remnant of a low rear post (as Aldred duly noted). According to museum etiquette, the most likely pose of this figure is that of a kneeling king, perhaps with gifts in his hands25. Another alternative would be a king seated on a low-backed throne; this position, however, is virtually unknown in the late period.26 22 Personal


23 Again, personal communication. However, I noticed in the Brooklyn slide file

museum that Prof. Bothmer posted slides of this statue in the Saite section. Perhaps before he died he was beginning to change his mind about the date of the bust of the Metropolitan. 24 Za

for an example see Bothmer, ESLP, no. 41, figure. 89–90, p. 38. It is also worth noting that Leahy's list (footnote 18) of the headless representations of Psameticus I are kneeling granite statues. It would be worth checking if any of them join the Metropolitan's head. 25


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Jack A. Josephson, Psametic Head Portrait?

The face is fairly intact, only part of the nose is missing and some damage around the mouth. There is extensive modeling around the mouth and nose, with meticulously etched indications of the lower facial muscles. Along the sides of the nose, near its center, are signs of excessive fleshiness, similar to the folds visible in a somewhat earlier Kushite sculpture27. It is not surprising to find this particular feature in the statue. These body folds clearly indicate an origin from the early years of the reign of Psameticus I, when the influence of the workshops of the Nubian kings was still strong. This also increases the likelihood that the statue was carved in a Theban workshop that previously carved images of 25th Dynasty rulers. However, the absence of double urea or traces of central axes through the eyes indicate a post-Cushite date28. A soft beard, attached to the lower jaw and covering most of the chin, is a rare attribute of Late Period royal representations.29 The left arm and shoulder, and the right forearm are missing. The statue breaks just below the protruding nipples on the chest. In general, the impression that the statue makes is both pleasant and impressive. The size of the eyes in this portrait is surprisingly large in relation to the face. They are almond-shaped, extremely long, and have elongated cosmetic lines beginning at the outer corner of the eye, making them appear to wrap the entire width of the head from ear to ear. Another peculiar feature of the eyes is the shelf-like lower eyelid. The bottom of the eyeballs is deeply incised from the eyelids, which in turn have a depression below them. Above the eyes, bold, plastically rounded brows are parallel to the upper eyelids and cosmetic lines. The mouth, without a smile, has full, slightly curved lips, in contrast to the straight, simplistic lips of Kushite images30. The shape of the face is thin and elongated, again contrasting 26 See.

footnotes 18 and 25. In particular, as described in the Shabako presentation by E.R. Russmann, The Representation of the King in the XXVth Dynasty (Brussels, 1974), page 15. Russmann further develops this peculiarity in Relief Decoration in Private Theban Tombs of the Twenty-Fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties: Its Origin and Development, with particular reference to the tomb of Harwa (TT 37), (PhD thesis, New York University, 1992), pp. 137–42. 28 The use of the double ureus by the Nubian kings of Egypt is well known. However, I have not seen any mention in print of the sometimes strong line usually seen through the center of the eyes in Kushite sculpture. The effect is almost like a discontinuity. I suppose the first observation of this phenomenon was by Bothmer, who referred to it in his classes. 29 I think there is only one other example: the Ptolemaic king now in Zagazig, Orabi Museum 1141; quartzite; see K. Myåliwiec, "School" of a Lower Egyptian Sculptor, Newsletter of the Middle Eastern Cultural Center in Japan 6 (1992), p. 63, please. 1–4. 30 In particular, see the illustrated examples in Russmann, Representations, Fig. 4, 5, 7, 8 and 11. All are stone. 27


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with round and full faces common to representations of Nubian kings31. While there are no actual three-dimensional representations of Psameticus I to compare with a bust of a metropolitan, there are a considerable number of Osiris statues that fill this need. Many of these god figurines are, of course, the products of royal workshops and tend to simulate the appearance of a king. Fortunately, some of them can be dated and their geographical origin is known. H. De Meulenaere and B.V. Bothmer discussed the criteria for the exact dating of a group of Osiris statues from the eighth and seventh centuries. They concluded that the best indicator of chronology is the position of the beard and associated beard bands in relation to the chin. Those statues that had a covered beard were believed to be from the time of Psameticus I or slightly earlier. While there are stylistic differences that can also be exploited, this rather simple iconographic proof seems basically correct. An example of a beard covering the chin can be found in the statue of Osiris in Cairo (fig. 6)33. The statue located in Medinet Habu in Thebes is dedicated to Psameticus I. The face depicted on it has the same long and narrow shape as the bust of the metropolitan. The configuration of the eyes and eyebrows, disproportionately large eyes, with thickened eyebrows, plastic protrusions, as well as semi-formed structures formed by the lower eyelids, as well as the mouth, are very similar to the characteristics of the Metropolitan Museum representation. The face of the Osiris statue also has more than a trace of the "Kushite fold" near the nose. Another representation of Osiris, dedicated to Psammeticus I, is in a private collection in New York (fig. 7)34. Although it is smaller than the Osiris statue in Cairo, it has a beautifully carved face almost intact. The reason for comparing this small seated figure with the bust in the Metropolitan Museum and the Osiris in Cairo is its place of origin, an inscription indicating that it comes from Sheden (Pharbaithos) in the Eastern Delta35. There are some significant stylistic differences that distinguish this image from the two Upper Egyptian figures, the most obvious of which is the shape of the face. The seated statuette has a round face, 31 See

footnote 27. H. De Meulenaere and B.V. Bothmer, "The Head of Osiris in the Louvre", Kêmi 19 (1969).


33 Egyptian Museum JE 38231; grauvaca, height 130 cm; From Meulenaere and Bothmer, "Une Tête D'Osiris," page 12 pl. 4, figure. 12. 34 Harvest of Thalass; gravel, h. 35.9 cm; J. A. Josephson, "A Fragmentary Egyptian Head from Heliopolis," MMJ 30 (1995), forthcoming.


Dig. 6. Egyptian Museum, Cairo JE 38231; photo courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum, Corpus of Late Egyptian Sculpture.

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Jack A. Josephson, Psametic Head Portrait?

Dig. 7. The Thalassic Collection, New York; photo courtesy of Thalassic Collection.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

in contrast to the long, slender face of the Cairo Osiris or the bust of a metropolitan. It is comparable in this respect to the various reliefs at Psamtika I.36 The size of the eyes is not as exaggerated as in others whose origin is southern. The New York statuette of Osiris may represent a more accurate image of the king than the bust of a metropolitan or the statue of Osiris from Thebes. Nicholas Reeves kindly drew my attention to a shabti statue of Psamtik I, formerly in the McGregor Collection, depicting the round face and smaller eyes of the New York statue of Osiris. The portrait bust in the Metropolitan Museum appears to have no parallel before or after the reign of Psameticus I. It is so similar in style to the Cairo Osiris, including the chin-on-chin position, that it must be considered coincident in time and from Thebes . This bust is therefore most likely a unique document of a three-dimensional real image from the beginning of the 26th Dynasty in Thebes. Its idealizing features seem to confirm my hypothesis that Psameticus I did not visit Thebes, at least not before this statue was made. The realistic portrait reliefs of Psameticus I in the tomb of Montuemhat and at Edfu are best explained by the probable use of Memphite workers in Thebes, a theory that Russmann has convincingly argued38.


35 It is unlikely that this statuette was made in this provincial area. etched vignettes

in this figure they have a cartoon character, unsuitable for working in the real workshop. In addition, there are a number of misspellings in the inscriptions; a fact brought to my attention by R. Brier. The figure appears to have been brought to Shenedu, where it was engraved and decorated. 36 Also raised by Russmann in Relief Decoration, page 16, footnote 95. 37 Sales Catalog, Sotheby, Wilkinson, and Hodge (June 1922), lot 1350. 38 E.R. Russmann, Relief Decoration in Theban Private Tombs, pp. 227–233. The author refers specifically to the strong probability that Memphite carvers worked in Harwa's tomb (TT 37). This would set a precedent for continuing to use these workers at a later date.


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Observations on time and labor discipline in ancient Egypt

Gerald E. Kadisz


One aspect of William Kelly Simpson's considerable range of scientific interests and talents is reflected in his valuable research on the Reisner papyri. I would like to make a few comments on these documents to honor his achievements and the riches he has given us to study. By far the greater part of the day for most Egyptians was spent working or, in the case of bureaucracies and/or aristocratic supervisors, supervising work.2 Most workers were engaged in agriculture, but a significant part of the labor force was involved in crafts and construction. Workers and their bosses went about their daily tasks, the rhythms of their work shaped by the natural markers of day, season, and year, as well as artificial constructions of the civil calendar, vacations, the formal length of the workday, and , at least in some periods, regular days off. Paraphrasing the words of the poet from the hymn to the Aten, every day at sunrise the whole earth went to work. Work and workers had to be organized to achieve the desired level of production and delivery of goods and services. Although workers of all kinds were subjected to a certain amount of brute force, this is not a sufficient explanation for generally successful labor discipline, nor is it likely correct that workers were forced into servitude on major real-world projects such as the pyramid. - motivated at least in part by devotion to (i.e., the monarch).3 The Reisner Papyri4 offer a unique insight into the organization of work in the Middle Kingdom of Egypt, reflecting the customs of calculating labor needs, logistics employment, the nature of work records, etc. They also provide an opportunity to observe the relationship 1

A first attempt to solve this problem was presented at an Egyptology seminar in New York; This essay is part of a larger study of the temporal aspects of ancient Egyptian economic life. 2 Non-royal tombs provide numerous examples of the tomb owner observing his estate workers at their chores.

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between time and work, especially on two interrelated issues: time as a factor in employee discipline and the role of a culture of punctuality. In analyzing these issues, I have adopted the interpretive framework of a now famous and highly acclaimed article by the late English historian E.P. Thompson, entitled "Time, labor discipline and industrial capitalism"5. While it is true that Egypt's economy has a rather different profile from England's in the transition to a capitalist economy, Thompson's analysis boldly reveals features of the relationship between time and labor that apply to the ancient setting. Thompson argued that prior to the institutionalization of industrial capitalism in factories, workers - and by this he means both skilled and unskilled workers, but not those employed primarily in agriculture - were in the habit of deciding how long would invest in a production unit. production. The forces that could induce them to work faster were largely market forces and a sense of their own needs, not externally imposed norms or work rules. Thompson characterizes this pre-capitalist or pro-capitalist fabrication as "task-oriented" or duty-driven. He points out that this differs from agriculture, where production is strongly determined by other factors, such as the cycles of nature. For Thompson, the key change came when the delivery was scheduled, when a clock appeared on the wall in the workplace. What is significant is that, from now on, the owner of the clock, that is, the owner (or his agent) of the plant or construction project, now controlled the amount of time, measured fairly accurately, that is supposed to it is 3 days.

corvée work, cf. in particular two articles by Ingelore Hafemann: “Zum Problem der staatlichen Arbeitspflicht im Alten Ägypten. I”, Altorientalische Forschungen 12 (1985), pp. 3–21 and “Zum Problem der staatlichen Arbeitspflicht im Alten Ägypten. II”, Altorientalische Forschungen 12 (1985), pp. 179–215. I have not considered here the important subject of serfdom. The Reisner workers are likely self-employed with some state labor obligation to be laid off; the time constraints placed on them reflect the fact that they are placed on them. There are still issues that need to be addressed as part of a more comprehensive treatment. 4 William Kelly Simpson, Papyrus Reisner I. Records of Building Design in the Reign of Sesostris I (Boston, 1963); ditto, Papyrus Reisner II. Tales from a Shipbuilding Workshop including the reign of Sesostris I (Boston, 1965); ditto, Reisner Papyrus III. Building Design Records Early Twelfth Dynasty (Boston, 1969); ditto, Papyrus Reisner IV. Personal accounts from the early Twelfth Dynasty (Boston, 1986). Hereinafter referred to as pReisner I, pReisner II, pReisner III, and pReisner IV, respectively. See also Simpson's entry (Pap. Reisner I–IV) in LĘ 4 (1982), col. 728–30. Simpson conveniently listed the major revisions of pReisner I-III and some literature in Papyrus Reisner IV, page 26. 5 Past

& Present 38 (1967), pp. 56–97. See H. Goedicke, "Bilateral Business in the Old Kingdom", DE 5 (1986), pp. 73–101, for the view that some Old Kingdom tomb-builder or decorator craftsmen were active in wage bargaining.



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Gerald E. Kadish, Observations on Time and Labor Discipline in Ancient Egypt

spent per unit of production. Control of the rate of production has been transferred to the entrepreneur and the employed craftsman has lost control over his time/labor investment. In fact, in later periods, it was a classic labor tactic to try to slow down production in order to achieve certain working conditions or wage concessions. With power elsewhere until recently, such efforts were largely doomed to fail. In the USSR, the owner of the watch (i.e., the state) developed the Stakhanovite idea of ​​pressuring workers to constantly exceed, let alone meet, predetermined labor standards, constantly exhorting them to do a better job for the good of the world. state. In these systems, worker resistance was suppressed by the very real danger of starvation as an alternative to working on time. In addition, the state, although not directly involved in the factory processes, was nevertheless the guarantor, through its police power, of the employer's ability to impose his will. But there is one more factor. This change not only modified the work situation as an institutionalized reality, but was accompanied by an insidious co-function: the conscious inculcation of a value system in which punctuality became a social virtue. It is no coincidence that in some quarters a gold watch has come to be seen as an appropriate retirement gift for an employee who has met the time/labor demands of the new production system during his working life. I am reminded of George Orwell's 1984 parody slogan: "Work is pleasure, time is money." The realities of the labor market not only disciplined the employee7, but he was also overthrown by the value system. Unsurprisingly, there is resistance, though generally in less overt forms, such as Sunday hangovers that result in absenteeism on the first day of the work week, commemorated by workers with supposed celebrations of the mythical “St. Monday”8. Avoiding work it was the only other fairly precarious option for the worker in a surplus labor situation.Thompson describes the key change as "a greater sense of time savings among expanding capitalist employers."9 The last point of Thompson's article is fine. One of his earliest and most interesting sources of information is the records of the Crowley Iron Works, circa 1700. There you see that the record7 That

this may even apply to farm work in a pre-industrial society, as evidenced by the Great Revolt of 1381 in England, a backlash against the 1370s Statute of Laborers which limited the amount of wages an employer could pay. 8 Thomson, op. cit., p. 72 et seq. 9 Ibid., page 78.


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maintenance of this backed application of time/work discipline was timed. Records of vagrancy, time of servitude, idleness, etc. were kept. Time sheets were kept for each worker, noting work hours, meal breaks, timekeepers, informants, and fines. The workers were so hostile to the system that the clock had to be closed so that the workers could not surreptitiously change it. It should be noted that this temporary documentation fulfilled two purposes: labor discipline and rationalization of the pace and cost of production; Managers doubts required to maintain control and justify expenses. Now we can go back to ancient Egypt. Consisting primarily of accounts of the planning, use, and compensation of labor for construction projects and shipbuilding activities dating to the early Middle Kingdom, the Reisner papyri display a number of features that reflect the relationship between labor and the weather. They allow us to observe these associations over reasonably long periods of time (at least for Egyptian records): for example, pReisner I covers periods of seventy-five to 122 consecutive days, while pReisner II covers periods of 228 days and 1245 days (i.e. say, , three years and five months), this last grouping is not continuous. Furthermore, the number of workers mentioned in the documents exceeds 300. Lists of workers and their ration (compensation) assignments are not at all unusual in surviving Egyptian documents, but Reisner's accounts do reveal some unusual aspects. One of these is the accounting methods used to report and determine assigned work and rations. In Section A prior to Reisner I, the summaries are not listed separately, as might be expected, in terms of persons and days worked, but rather in terms of "man-days". There is no definite term for this unit, which is ubiquitous in the Reisner papyri, but it is clear that labor statements are the product of the sum of the persons employed and the number of days each worked, "days -man" apparently according to this 10 Ibid.,

p. 81 et seq. the literature on various aspects of the Egyptian labor force is extensive. Two articles of particular importance may be mentioned, both in Marvin A. Powell, ed., Labor in the Ancient Near East, Ancient Oriental Series, 68 (New Haven, 1987): C.J. Eyre, "Labor and the organization of work in the Old Kingdom" and CJ Eyre, "Labor and the organization of work in the New Kingdom". eleven


the use of the term person-day dates back to the Old Kingdom, according to article I.I. Perepelkin (quoted by O.D. Berlev in the review by pReisner I in BiOr 22 (1965), p. 264, n. 4). I couldn't see the original. The calculations in Section H seem to indicate that one man-day is equivalent to one man working a ten-hour day. Page Reisner III, Page 14.


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Gerald E. Kadish, Observations on Time and Labor Discipline in Ancient Egypt

or fiscal agency.13 The close relationship between workers and days worked was part of the calculation of rations. These figures represent the number of "man-days" multiplied by a standard unit -trsst- perhaps originally a type of loaf of bread, but here clearly a formal unit of account for payment; in part A, the ratio is clearly not the normal 8:1 in the Reisner Papyri.14 Thus, the standard length of the working day has already been formalized. However, the "Osobodni" was used as a work planning unit and as the basis for employee compensation. One cannot help but be, like Simpson, "astonished and stunned by the complexity of accounting practices in which the accountant recorded such details as the exact dimensions of the stone blocks to the nearest fraction of a finger and the sum of the days -man to the nearest fraction". fifth "day of work". of the project This is confirmed by Preisner I, Chapter J, where a series of commissions of this type are quite explicit, for example, "IV Peret 15: He was commissioned to build three interior portals: six workers, two and a half days (equivalent to) 15 (man-days)". 16 The results achieved have been reported and can be expected to be in line with the original designs. Section K is such a report, indicating, among other things, that 715 "man-days" were spent moving stone and 101½ moving sand, for a total investment of 816½ man-days for this phase of the project, while the total summary reports a total expenditure of 4,312½ man-days.17 Section K of pReisner II lists the daily "man-day" expenditures at the royal dockyard over a period of 228 days.18 Reisner III adds to the accounting repertoire with a series of documents that appear to be periodic reports on the status of work detailing for each employee the number of "man-days" used and those remaining available from the assignment19. The key point to make here is that the constraints on power and remuneration placed in the hands of those who make the assignments, whether a private contractor or a state agency, control 13 pReisner

I, p. 24. Preisner I, pgs. 26, 35. For more information on this, see Simpson, "Two Lexical Notes to the Reisner Papyri: w∞rt and trsst," JEA 59 (1973), pp. 220–22. cf. D. Mueller, "Some Notes on Wage Rates in the Middle Kingdom," JNES 34 (1975), pp. 249–263. 15 Preisner I, page 52. 16 Preisner I, page 57. 17 Section K, Preisner I, pages 128, 56-57. 18 Preisner II, p. 32–33. 19 pReisner III, sections F, G, K, L (= pp. 22–30). 14


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both on the time and work of the workers, as well as on their wages. They define tasks, work assignments, and time constraints, down to the number of hours. Direct supervisors of these projects were required to maintain and submit detailed documentation. These points are extremely interesting, but there is another feature of the Reisner papyri that makes them even more compelling. Returning to Preisner, I bring us to the issue of worker discipline. Section B deals essentially with the same data on projects and works as Section A (as can be seen in the heading20), but presents it from a completely different perspective. This text is a list of workers. This section is important because it represents the responsibility of the contractor that goes beyond a simple statement of man-hours spent to present something that is a detailed breakdown of the number of man-days each employee contributed to the project by name, different from the status reports. annotated in pReisner III (which may have been the type of raw records from which Section B was taken). To ensure accurate data, the project manager tracked the activities of each employee. Three columns appear next to the list of names. The first is marked "Spent on the road"; From the very small number of entries in this column, one gets the impression that this was a salary grade for supervisory staff, perhaps some sort of portal-to-portal bonus21. The second column identifies the actual "man-days" spent working on the project. It is the third column that links time considerations to employee discipline, as it provides the number of "man-days" each employee was absent from the workplace. The headline "what he spent running away" is a problem. Sam Simpson pondered the matter reasonably and eventually grudgingly understood that the word "w™r" meant avoidance, noting that it may, in fact, be a link between various reasons for being absent from work, and may simply be an indication that you are not workers were all needed for each day of the project.22

20 Ver

Simpson's comments in pReisner I, pp. 29–30. Q. 35. This certainly does not apply to a significant number of employees. 22 Ibid., p.36 to discuss this term. In pReisner III, p.19, he seems to have accepted "escape", though he offers no further discussion. Simpson notes, however, in pReisner I, page 36, that the word always seems to mean "escape". OD Berlev in the BiOr review cited above praises Simpson's caution. W. Schenkel analyzes this word under the heading "Flüchtling und Flucht aus Arbeitsverhältnissen", in LĘ 2 (1977), cols. 276–77. cf. Wente, review in JNES 24 (1965), p.129, in favor of a fugitive idea. 21 Ibid.,


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Gerald E. Kadish, Observations on Time and Labor Discipline in Ancient Egypt

It's worth looking at the range of things listed in B.23: when a notary makes a single entry in black ink that reads I Peret 10, it means that the employee in question had perfect attendance; he was there working the full 122 days. There are eight examples of this. In eleven cases, the date is shown in red; this means that the employee was present continuously from the start of the project until that date, although in three cases the number of man-days does not include the date marked in red, that is, the employee did not have a terminal day assigned to work on this date. project. An interesting example of a write method is pos. 27 (lower right column), entry of the son of Si-ese Mentu-hotep. He is given three dates: II Akhet 8 (or 7), III Akhet 8 and I Peret 10. Ninety days of work and thirty-two days of absence are attributed to him, for a total of 122 days, the duration of the project. From the dates it is clear that this Mentuhotep worked twenty-nine days from the start of work on I Akhet 9 to II Akhet 7 inclusive. He then he was absent for thirty-one days (II Akhet 8 to III Akhet 8); It is clear from the thirty-two day entry that you were not paid for the first and last days of the period. Upon his return, Mentu-hotep works for sixty-two days, from III Akhet 9 to I Peret 10. These three blocks of time add up to 122 predictable days. A similar record is found in section F,24, although for a different project, this one for a total of seventy-five days, beginning with that of sections A and B (beginning with III Peret 16 [probably] of the same year 25 ). Here, employees are organized by crews and crew leaders. Three columns are used to record "person-days", but here the first column is actually the sum of the second and third columns. The second column shows the work days and the third column shows the absent days. The figures clearly show that not all workers worked for the full seventy-five days. Items 33 through 36 are workers assigned to only eleven days of work, even though each of them was actually absent more than he worked. In fact, only two men appear to have worked the full seventy-five days. The strangest thing about all this is that the five men sentenced to eleven days did not work at all. The question then arises as to what options the employee had and what means were available to enforce labor discipline. The answer has already been suggested: the employee can do the work that is required of him, he can afford to be absent or pretend. Probably all of these 23

See Preisner I, pp. 112–15 and pls. 2, 2A, 3, 3A. For Simpson's discussion, see pp. 26–31, eng. p. 30ff. on the marks. 24 Preisner I, Section F: pp. 120–24, pls. 9.9A–12.12A; For Simpson's discussion, see pp. 41–43.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Routes have been chosen. Moving to another labor market was probably a relatively uncommon option, partly for geographical reasons and partly because of extensive worker control throughout Egypt. Where we have evidence of labor action in the form of strikes, especially by rather special status workers from the New State community in Deir el-Medineh, these state employees took labor action, not to impose greater worker control over the workers. means of production, but to protest the late payment for their work and try to correct the problem. In Deir el-Medineh, on the other hand, there were cases of malingering and other forms of job evasion26 and there was little else the hard worker could do. On the other hand, the labor manager or supervisor had the means to at least coerce the workers to some degree. The obvious, though unofficial, ways of dealing with malingering or absenteeism are quite clear: "If he (that is, the worker) loses a day's worth of cloth, he receives fifty blows."27 We read in the texts: beatings were the order of the day, the bastinado was omnipresent in the workplace, practically in all economic spheres; Egypt was essentially a brutal society where labor controllers were free to use physical force. Anyway, we learn more about the formal approach to the issue, at least by the late Middle Kingdom, regarding state-controlled projects from P. Brooklyn 35.1446, dating to the reign of Amen-emhat III (1842-1797). .28 The entries show that there were formal legal procedures that could be followed in case of job evasion. The absence of a worker was punished with quite serious penalties: loss of free status, affiliation of the worker to some royal patrimony29. Such methods may not have been able to completely reduce absenteeism, but they have kept it under control. The papyrus lists seventy-six evaders, including one woman, but it is difficult to say how representative this number is.

Among the extensive literature, vid. c.j. Eyre, "A 'strike' text from the Theban necropolis," in J. Ruffle, G. Gaballa, and K.A. The Kitchen, Glimpses of Ancient Egypt (Warminster, 1979) pp. 80–91. 26 How. J. Janssen, "The Labor Absence of the Theban Necropolis Workers," SAK 8 (1980), pp. 127–52. 27 called "A Satire of Professions", translated by M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I (Berkeley, 1973), page 188. 28 William C. Hayes, A Papyrus of the Late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum [Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446] , Wilbour Monograph V (Brooklyn, 1955). 29 See Hayes, op. cit., pp. 127–34. cf. S. Quirke, “State and Labor in the Middle Kingdom.

Reconsidering the term ∞nrt', Rd'E 39 (1988), pp. 83–105. These "fugitives" are free people with state job duties; otherwise, they would not be in danger of losing their single status.


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Gerald E. Kadish, Observations on Time and Labor Discipline in Ancient Egypt

or how common it was to avoid work at the time. Officials' determination to curb such circumvention was fueled by a culture of punctuality. The willingness of Egyptian officials and contractors to enforce punctuality and regularity of work was not only a practical impulse, but was shaped and somewhat reinforced by the value structure of getting work done on time. Not surprisingly, the voices we hear on the subject come almost exclusively from those individuals or groups that hold power and authority, that is, the official classes at any level. Workers' voices are rarely heard, and even when they are, it is necessary to distinguish genuine voices from those that simply reflect bureaucratic attitudes. It's in the nature of the beast to face the fact that complaints can be genuine, and the joyous celebration of work ended quickly with a "good luck!" Supervisor's world. We hear of the reluctance of laborers to work in the quarries of the eastern deserts during the hottest seasons, but they must work; They are reasonable with little to no choice. We may hear complaints about the frustrating failure (or corrupt reluctance) to deliver rations on time, for example, and the resulting sit-ins, but these are largely normal human reactions to office insolence. The managerial hierarchies above these workers, however, at least profess a keen sense of duty to be efficient, a value they have tried to impart to workers, not always with brilliant success. The basic principle is that work of any kind is done not just to survive but in the name of the god who rules the country as king. So it had to be done right away, almost like an act of worship. In the Old Kingdom, royal officials often emphasized in their funerary biographies and other inscriptions not only what they accomplished in life on behalf of the god-king, but also how quickly they completed their tasks. The Sixth Dynasty official Weni reports on the various mining expeditions he undertook for the monarch, noting that in one case he completed his mission in seventeen days; otherwise, completing the task in one year is a source of pride30. His younger colleague, Harchuf of Elephantine, is proud of several trade missions he has carried out in remote areas of Nubia; that he was able to complete two of them in seven and eight months respectively was the source of a great 30

Urk. I, pp. 107-08; cf. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I, page 21. He also boasts of all that he accomplished during an expedition to Ibhat.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

he was proud of it, not least because it was quite a dangerous job that brought him positive attention from the king and, more importantly, favor31. The vizier of the fifth dynasty, Ptah-hetep, advised his peers not to waste time on daily worries, thus suggesting that the speedy discharge of official duties would give the complete man the time to "follow the heart", that is say, to have fun ensure that his sense of urgency is transferred to his subordinates in a pyramidal bureaucratic structure. Pity the supervisor of the Old Kingdom labor crew at the Turah limestone quarries, who faced bureaucratic delays under great pressure to obtain certain quantities of cut stone to send to the construction site; writes a frustrated but responsible complaint to the relevant authorities: 11th regnal year, 1st month of Shemu, 23rd day: The leader of the gang of workers says: "The order of the Chief Judge and Vizier has been brought to this servant in connection with bring this team of workers from the Turah quarry to have clothing assigned to them in his presence... However, this servant protests against the requirement because there are six barges (for cut stone) This servant has gotten used to spending six days in the Residence with this crew before getting dressed, while for this battalion only one day should be lost when they have to get dressed.”33

In this case, the responsible sense of urgency rests with the man responsible for carrying out the assigned work; a senior official in the vizier's office appears to be primarily interested in making a production of being a visible provider of clothing rations for workers. In the Eleventh Dynasty, the thrifty landlord Heka-nakht writes to his foreman (who may be his son), constantly warning him not to waste time: "Look, this is not a year for a man to be lazy with his master, father or brother... This is the year a man works for his master!" Elsewhere, their letters become more and more insistent: "Dig up all my land, sift it, cut off your nose to work! Look, if they are diligent, God will be praised in your name and I won't have to hurt you."34 31 Urk .

I, pp. 124-25; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I, page 25. Cf. H. G. Fischer, "Two Tempting Historically Significant Biographical Passages," JEA 61 (1975), pp. 33–35. 32 Lichtheim, Literature of Ancient Egypt I, page 66. 33 A.H. Gardiner, "An Administration Letter of Protest," JEA 13 (1927), page 78. I lightly edited Gardiner's translation. 34 TGH James, The Ìe ̊anakhte Papers and Other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York, 1962), p. 14 (letter I), 32–3 (letter II). cf. H. Goedicke, Studies in the Hekanakhte Papers (Baltimore, 1984), pp. 17ff, 28, n. M.


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Gerald E. Kadish, Observations on Time and Labor Discipline in Ancient Egypt

Such statements are of great interest to the present discussion, if they fit within the framework of education, because the training of scribes was one of the best ways in which any set of values ​​related to service and punctuality could have the greatest impact. , having the scribes so ubiquitous a character. presence in Egyptian economic and administrative life. School textbooks, texts that were used in the process of teaching scribes how to write and about the various activities in which they would play a part, form a fairly common body of material, especially in the later New Kingdom. One of the topoi depicts an older, experienced scribe who lectures, or even intimidates, the younger scribe so that he will not waste time drinking and carousing, but rather diligently apply himself to his lessons and learn to write correctly. In addition, he is encouraged to devote all his time to his own tasks, since following that course is beneficial for a person looking towards his future. This view was strongly supported by corporal punishment and the use of physical coercion in the form of dyb35. Those who by their writing skills were to form the core of the administrative apparatus of Pharaonic Egypt learned from a very early age that they were expected to be sensitive to time in both a general and a specific sense in the performance of their tasks. They also learned that coercion is one of the methods they will be able to use when they reach a higher level of bureaucracy. In Egypt, the value of the present was inculcated and institutionalized to the point that these attitudes were carried to the grave as evidence of worthy service and individual merit for eternity. The culture of punctuality that rewarded the manager or supervisor permeated his subsequent behavior toward those under his supervision.



It is widely believed that a child hears better when hit because his ears are on his back. cf. M. Lichtheim, Literature of Ancient Egypt II (Berkeley, 1976), page 172.


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Two more Ìb-Ì∂t documents

werner kaiser


To the esteemed colleague who has exposed so many important monuments and texts for our study, some comments should be made below on two more examples of the cult process that the Egyptians themselves called ¢b Ì∂t. Addressing this issue a few years ago1, only five pieces of evidence could be cited: a depiction of the Pyramid Temple of Cheops and the Neuserre Sun Shrine, a fragment built into the city wall of Cairo, possibly also from AR2, a largely complete scene from the time of Thutmose III. in the temple of Karnak and another scene equally preserved in the archaic decoration of the gate of the palace from the time of the XXVI dynasty in Memphis3. In discussing the totality of the evidence, it has been argued that they are not to be understood as representing a royal hunting ritual, but also documenting the worship of the ancient hippopotamus goddess in the context of the early kingdom of Lower Egypt. In the justification4 it was pointed out that • the hippopotamus in scenes ¢b-Ì∂.t is not an ordinary representative of the genus hippopotamus, as is the case in the unequivocal hunting photos, but

1 W. Kaiser, "Zum Ìb Ì∂.t", MDAIK 44 (1988), pp. 125–34; quoted in ibid., page 128, it should be noted that the definition of a 1:10 scale applies only to Fig. 3, while Fig. 1–2 are reproduced in 1:20 scale. 2 The fact that in the spelling ¢b the pavilion s¢ is located directly on the stone shell argues against explicit dating in AR, as op. See also footnote 7. 3 For five passages or scenes, see also A. Behrmann, The Hippopotamus in the Conceptual World of the Ancient Egypts, Part I, Catalogue, Europäische Hochschulschriften, Series XXXVII, Archäologie, Vol. 22 (Frankfurt, 1989). ), Doc. 62, 63, 72, 159 and 196. 4 For some arguments, see already T. Säve-Söderbergh, "On the Egyptian representations of the hippopotamus hunt as a religious motive", Horae Soederblomianae III, (Uppsala, 1953 ), page 45 et seq., who would like to see an Upper Egyptian goddess in Ì∂.t. The interpretation as a hunting ritual was recently supported by W. Helck, cf. LÄV (1984), column 275, and thin period studies, Ägyptol. Abh., 45 (Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 31 and following; apparently also A. Behrmann, see especially loc.cit., Doc. 122a/b, 159, 183a1o and 196, which refer specifically to Part II, which has not yet been published.

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

an animal identified by sex and color and named after it; • the female hippopotamus, unlike the male hippopotamus, almost without exception occupies the position of a benevolent goddess in Egyptian religion; • White emphasis also indicates a generally positive meaning; • the preferred representation of the hippopotamus in ¢b Ì∂.t on a reed bundle or reed mat, of which the corresponding bundle or mat rises vertically from the rear end, indicates an immovable structure resembling a shrine primitive, in which a statue could also stand in place of a living animal; • the king in all representations, if preserved, is shown only standing or walking; • also apart from ¢b Ì∂.t, unique evidence confirming the cult of Ì∂.t as a goddess; • the concentration of this evidence in northern Egypt and the fact that king ¢b Ì∂.t, if preserved, always wears the Lower Egyptian crown, indicate that the cultic activity belonged to the Lower Egyptian part from the country; • The decreasing amount of evidence ¢b Ì∂.t from AR onward, and the general paucity of further evidence, indicates that the Ì∂.t cult declined in importance with the formation of an all-Egyptian state.

Of the two covers that have been added in the meantime, one is just a small fragment that can be found in Acc. No. 67.175.2 is in the Brooklyn Museum (fig. 1)5. This material is most likely not limestone, but rather a highly gypsum-content mortar, once used to close a crack in a limestone block. The remains of the preserved decoration show a hippopotamus on a characteristic cane base with one end protruding vertically. The missing suit and the T may have been on top of or in front of it. Below, not quite in the middle, but slightly shifted to the right, the upper part of the s¢ pavilion has been preserved, and to its left the rest of the sign, which is difficult to add apart from w†s6 and one of the two place names of the Karnak scene is already taken. 5 Dimensions: width 16.5 cm, height 14.5 cm, thickness 3.4 cm. I owe the reference to art.

courtesy of H. Stadelmann-Sourouzian. For helpful responses to questions, I would like to thank J.F. Romano and RA Fazzini and the latter for undertaking the chemical analysis of the work and kindly accepting its publication. 6

I am grateful to R.A. for a friendly discussion on this matter. Fazzini, JF Romano, E Edel, J Osing and St Seidlmayer.


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Werner Kaiser, two more documents from Ìb-Ì∂.t

Thread. 1. Brooklyn Museum 67.175.2; courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.

The size of the hieroglyphics and, above all, the distance between the sign w†s and the pavilion s¢ allow an approximate reconstruction of the entire scene. As with most evidence of a hippopotamus on this type of plinth, it is relatively small in size and certainly did not take up the full height of the image before the king; the actual depiction of the hippopotamus is, as in the Neuserre fragment and the archaic Memphis scene, apparently only part of the scene note, not the action itself (Fig. 2). Matten, the timing of the AR was most likely in question, which would bring the number of documents since then to at least three. But also origin of the archaic 7 Para

for the Memphis scene see Kaiser, op.cit., fig. 5. Only the representation of the Cairo fragment is much larger; possibly another clue to dating the article beyond the AR. Regarding the Neuserre fragment, it should be noted that the hieroglyphic remainder of the mallet is too large to be associated with the figure inscription r∞-nswt (F.W. v. Bissing and H. Kees, Das Re-Heiligtum des König Ne-Woser- Re (Rathures), Vol. III, [Berlin, 1928], p. 30). The addition of a guardian vulture to the royal title or inscription is more likely; Unfortunately, it is no longer possible to verify the original, because according to the kind information of A. Grimm, this work was one of the war losses in the Munich collection.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Dig. 2. Reconstruction of the scene ¢b-Ì∂.t from a) Brooklyn and b) from the Neuserre fragment.

Based on the evidence from the Memphis gate façade, a connection cannot be ruled out8. The second new evidence for ¢b-Ì∂t is a largely complete scene recognizing it in the severely damaged north hall of the lower terrace of Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el Bahari thanks to the Polish mission9. It is true that the representation of the hippopotamus and the two figures below it were largely erased during the Amarna period and have not been restored since then10. However, it is still clear that the erased fragment and the scene in general correspond in principle to the almost simultaneous scene in the Temple of Karnak, with which it also largely corresponds in terms of overall dimensions. As at Karnak, the representation of the hippopotamus in relation to the king, who here is the hero instead of the queen,11 and the two figures below it is much larger than otherwise or reproducible. There's also like a hippo and 8 S.

both Anm. 7 F. Pawlicki, Unknown Presentation of the White Hippopotamus Festival at the Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari, Works of the Center for Mediterranean Archeology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, undated. 28, Studies and Works XIV (Warschau, 1990), pp. 15–28. 9

10 Pawlicki, 11 Schon


J. cit., p. 16. Originally as Menkheperkare Thutmose, cf. Pawlicki, J. cit., p. 17 and fig.

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Werner Kaiser, two more documents from Ìb-Ì∂.t

the figures together fill the pictorial space in front of the king. As in Karnak, the hippopotamus itself stands not on a mere reed pedestal with a vertically rising rear, but on a structure resembling a sled or boat, as is already the case in hunting. real hippo in AR: like a real raft. and bring a hippopotamus tied 12. Also recognizable are the king's clothes and equipment, which are characteristic of ¢b Ì∂.t; only the crown, which has only partially survived, could in principle be not only a Lower Egyptian crown, but also a double crown13. Two human figures below the depiction of Ì∂.t have also survived, at least in vague outlines, while their clothing and posture are difficult to determine more precisely. The same applies to character nomenclature14. Nor has the usual scenic note survived. This second scene from NR, despite its poor state of preservation, is of particular importance in several respects. This mainly refers to the depiction of a hippopotamus on a sled or boat-like structure, which corresponds to the Carnatic scene: reproduction in the Eighteenth Dynasty was apparently not unusual, at least in Thebes. The older association of horizontal and vertical reed bundles is not without ambiguity, but can still be understood in such a way that it is, of course, a stationary structure. From the outset, the assumption is obvious that its shift to an essentially more mobile structure has something to do with a change in the understanding of the scene as a whole. However, there are also a number of clues which, taken together, not only confirm such a change in understanding, but also allow us to grasp its direction, namely, from the king's original act of worship to Ì∂.t to the hippopotamus. real. hunt. The first clue in this direction is already the similarity of the modified hippo base with the flat boats, only curved at the front, which have been used since AR for hippo hunting, but also that

12 teeth

G. Jéquier, Le Monument Funéraire de Pepi II, Vol. III (Cairo, 1940), Pl. 32. loc.cit., p.17. 14 Pawlicki's reconstruction as "Wts et Imt" (see loc.cit., p. 17) seems to be basically based on a parallel presentation in the Karnak temple; see L. cit., fig. 2. 13 Pawlicki,


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

the capture of hippos is evidently particularly distinctive.15 Pawlicki's observations provide another indication that both the hippopotamus in the Deir el-Bahari scene and the one in Karnak still show traces of red paint, that is, originally, despite the fact that the Karnak scene is preserved at least in the title ¢b Ì∂.t, it was painted red16. The third clue comes from considering the context, especially the scene at Deir el-Bahari, which is here in a much more prominent place and therefore more significant than the Karnak case. Thanks to Polish work, it is now possible to reconstruct, at least in basic elements, the decoration of the rear wall of the lower north room. It consists of seven scenes in all, arranged in order from noon to midnight: herding calves before Amun, carrying vases before Amun (?), blessing the statues of kings (before Amun?), ¢b Ì∂.t, fighting in papyrus, catching birds in the net, and hunting birds in the papyrus thicket17. The careful composition of this decoration, that is, the selection and sequence of scenes, can be taken for granted. Of course, it is all the more difficult to grasp this consideration more accurately because the meaning of the last three scenes is fundamentally problematic. The only thing that is largely agreed here is that the real meaning of these images is not limited to the actions actually depicted. However, interpretations of ambivalence, which is certainly not wrongly assumed, range from annihilation rituals to ward off evil to magical protection of sexual union and rebirth. The scene here is interesting, of course it doesn't really matter which of the possible ambivalences is attributed to the next three scenes. There can be no doubt, however, that between them and the three introductory scenes19, almost certainly all of them addressed to the imperial god Amun, there is a representation of a cult cult that otherwise only dates from the fifteenth century.

For royal hippo hunting in AR see footnote 12 above, for regular hippo hunting in MR and NR see Behrmann, loc IV (Paris, 1964), pp. 773 et seq. 16 Pawlicki, op.cit., pp. 17, 28. 17 Pawlicki, op.cit., pp. 16f. 18 K. Martin, LĘVI (1984), column 1051 et seq. with a detailed review of the literature; Especially on hippo hunting, see H. Altenmüller, "Nilpferd und Papyrusdickit in den Graben des Alten Reichs", BSGE 13 (1989), pp. 9-21, and "Papyrusdicki und Wüste", MDAIK 47 (1991), pp. 11-19; especially on papyrus fights and hunting and capturing birds, more recently P. Munro, Der Unas-Friedhof Nord-West I (Mainz, 1994), p.55ff.; also, W. Wettengel, "On Papyrus Whisper Representations", SAK 19 (1992), pp. 323 et seq.


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Werner Kaiser, two more documents from Ìb-Ì∂.t

with a documented hippopotamus goddess would certainly be very surprising, on the other hand, the depiction of a hippopotamus hunt, as depicted in contemporary private tombs, fits perfectly into the later scenes in the papyrus thickets20. In private tombs, the representation of the hippopotamus hunt by the owner of the tomb is carried out according to a scheme that in AR was reserved exclusively for the king21. NR for the royal hippopotamus hunt, where an old festive scene from ¢b Ì∂.t was to be performed, which had meanwhile become incomprehensible22. Given the limited knowledge of early NR royal mortuary temples, it must be left open to what extent this reference to Deir el-Bahari is an ad hoc solution in that the three papyrus scenes that follow were also not part of the program of usual painting of the NR mortuary temple, but there was, at least in this respect, a special feature 19 Cf.

scenes in the appropriate place of the south room (E. Naville, The Temple of Deir el Bahari, vol. VI, pl. CLVI–CLIX). From the careful structure of the pictorial decoration, it stands out, among other things, that the papyrus scenes in the north room oppose the transport of the obelisk from the south in the south room; In addition, in the southern rooms of both terraces with the transport of the obelisk and the expedition to Pune, real events are shown, while on the northern side, the representation of royal procreation and birth in the upper room clearly belongs to the kingdom. divine, but also the papyrus scenes in the lower room due to the great ambivalence certainly also deserve an evaluation; cf. also that the nets to catch birds are thrown by deities (Pawlicki, op. cit., p. 16). 20 Even the fact that Ì∂.t is essentially associated with the area of ​​the papyrus swamps is not enough to include this scene in the decoration of the back wall of the room due to its original cultic significance. A contraindication might be that hippos and figurines, as opposed to calf herd animals, were eliminated during the Amarna period; On the other hand, unlike other deity figures, they were not restored in the post-Amarna period (Pawlicki, op. Pointing in the same direction is that the eradication extended not only to the hippo, but also to the human figures below it). On the other hand, a clear sign of the hunting character of the scene may have been the fact that the actor here was originally not a queen, but a king.21 See footnote 12 above.22 For the apparently further evidence of a private hippo hunt in royal AR style, see Behrmann, op.cit., doc 120. see also here Behrmann, op.cit., doc 133a/b (pendant cartouche of Amenemhet III.) and 180 ( ring with the name of Thutmose III.) On the other hand, it is doubtful that the only wall painting found in the Eyes tomb can be added to the hippopotamus hunt (Behrmann, loc. cit., Doc. 168) On the other hand, it is remarkable that the appearance of papyrus scenes (here: bird hunt and papyrus fight), which is unusual for a royal tomb, at least probably resulted in a depiction of a hippo hunt.


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Hatshepsut's outposts. The fact that the scene has been documented in this way only once, but around the same time in an adjacent room of the Karnak Temple, can at least point in this direction. Another difficult question to resolve, given the state of conservation of the royal mortuary temples AR and MR, is how long ¢b Ì∂.t beyond the 4th/5th century the dynasty continues to be represented in its original sense. At least a little further down, some considerations here may lead to different place names attributed to the two human figures under the hippopotamus and preserved in the Karnak and Memphis scenes and partly in the Brooklyn fragment. The Karnak and Memphis scene agree here on a single place name, probably read as ⁄m.t or Ìw.t nh.t, while the other at Karnak is W†s.t as in the Brooklyn passage, but Memphis Z£ w(? ) or Zw(?).23 The reasons for this difference can, of course, be very different. However, if one of the two combinations is assumed to be original, this is certainly the case for the Memphis scene: on the one hand, since the Lower Egyptian character ¢b Ì∂.t indicated by the crown indicates only the Lower Egypt location is actually more likely; furthermore, and above all, because the archaic decoration of the façade of the Memphis Gate, of course, also referred to very ancient patterns that went back to the first period in a different way, and did not modify them in their essential content24. Switch to W†s.t, on the other side there is already a part of Brooklyn that is supposed to be assigned to advanced AR. If Edfu refers to this, it may be because someone wanted to extend the meaning of the worship process to both parts of the country. But it may also indicate that the original meaning of the actual act of worship was no longer understood at the time, and that a reinterpretation of the hippopotamus hunt had already begun here, without changing the details of the representation itself.


For information on reading and locating sites, with the exception of W†s.t, in Lower Egypt, see recently H. Kees, "Das 'Fest der Weissen' und die Stadt Sw", ZĘS 83 (1958), pp. . 127–29 24 W. Kaiser, "The Decorated Gate Facade of the Late Palace District of Memphis," MDAIK 43 (1987), pp. 141 et seq.; The fact that the image of the hippopotamus is only a hieroglyphic sign of the scene note, more clearly than in all other comparable documents, also testifies to the long antiquity of the original Memphis scene, cf. ibid., fig. 10 and Fig. 47.


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Werner Kaiser, two more documents from Ìb-Ì∂.t

Given later developments, the actual cult action probably took place as early as 4/5 Dynasty is only shown, but in fact almost never took place, a relatively early reinterpretation of the scene, i.e. before the ending. of RA, it does not seem impossible25.


25 Correction annex: the attempt of H. Altenmüller, who also

¢b-Ì∂.t in his interpretation of the hippopotamus as a dangerous "threshold animal" ("White Hippopotamus Festival" and "Sacrificial Field", in: Hommages à Jean Leclant 1, BdE 106/1 [Cairo, 1994], pp 29–44), could no longer be considered here. However, this will be discussed in MDAIK 53 (1997).


31 KENDALL Page 461 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:35 PM

Lost and Found Shards: Two Enhanced Kushite Items

Timothy'ego Kendalla


During my many years of happy association with Kelly Simpson as a member of her staff at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, I marveled when she identified stray fragments of sculpture on the art market or in museums and compared them to others elsewhere, completing thus the original to the astonishment of all. Such historical conjurer's art enchanted me and I certainly never expected to make similar connections myself. Incredibly, however, this happened twice in 1993, although in each case the process was less by eye and intellect than by pure chance. These two stories are funny. One certainly belongs in the "small world story" genre and required the help of four other people: Janice Yellin, Julia Schottlander, Geneviève Pierrat and László Török, without whose help and kindness the results would not have been the same. The second can be described, tastelessly, as "follow your own nose." Needing to create a short Kelly tribute for her Festschrift, I thought I couldn't do better than send these pieces of fluff and dedicate it to her. That's a woefully small token of gratitude to the person to whom I owe my career, since he was the one who gave me my first, and possibly last, job in Egyptology. The Meroitic Louvre e 11378 chalice and its new specimens In 1978, a large packet of previously unpublished excavation records by John Garstang of the University of Liverpool in Meroe was found, surprisingly stored in the Foreign Office in Boston. This package, containing various drawings, watercolours, photographs and correspondence, was sent by Garstang to curator Dows Dunham in 1948, together with a letter expressing the wish that he (Dunham) might include these materials in his announced future publications on the excavations. made. by Reisner in the cemeteries of Meroe. Garstang was asked to forward the material to Dunham after receiving several sharply worded letters (included in a package) from Anthony. J. Arkell, then Sudanese Commissioner of Archaeology. In these letters, Arkell reminded him of his unfulfilled

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

the obligation to publish a comprehensive publication on his excavations at Meroë, which he had abandoned in 1914, thirty-four years earlier. Other documents in the package were copies of Garstang's response to Arkell, explaining his inability to publish this material due to other commitments and the great passage of time. In his letters to Dunham, however, he expressed the hope that the latter might incorporate them into Meroe's planned publications. Dunham, a close friend of Arkell's, of course agreed to help Garstang at the time, but as his work evolved over the next two decades, the material did not seem to fit his pattern of publication, and was eventually shelved and finally received. for 1. Garstang died in 1956. When the Garstang papers resurfaced in Boston, they contained several surprises: among them two critically important watercolor renderings of long-destroyed fragmentary murals on display in building M 292 ("Temple of Augustus") at Meroe, which were quickly published in color by contemporaries. Meroe excavators Peter Shinnie and 2 Rebecca Bradley at the Dows Dunham Festschrift in 1981. Others contained an incomplete set of drawings of bas-relief fragments associated with building M 250 ("Temple of the Sun"). At that time, unknown to us, a better and more complete record of the same bas-reliefs was almost simultaneously being prepared on site by Dr. Friedrich Hinkel, who will publish them soon with a full discussion of this monument. Still other drawings showed some of the most interesting objects, all previously unpublished, found in the last two seasons of Garstang, 1912-13 and 1913-14. By 1984, all the documents had returned to Liverpool, awaiting the arrival of Dr. László Török, who would soon begin the task of preparing the long-awaited final report on the Garstang records on Meroë and the materials still held at the School of Archeology. 5 and Oriental Studies, University of Liverpool. 1ml

Bierbrier, ed., Who Was Who in Egyptology (London, 1995), page [PubMed] 163. Shinnie and R.J. Bradley, "Murals of the Temple of Augustus at Meroe," in W.K. Simpson and W. M. Davis, eds., Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan: Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham for His 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980 (Boston, 1981), pp. 100-1 167–72. 3 J. Garstang, A.H. Sayce and F.Ll. Griffith, Meroë: City of the Ethiopians (Oxford, 1911), pp. 25-27, please. 28–35. 4 F. Hinkel, "On the Architecture and Architecture of the So-called Sonnen Temple at Meroë," in: C. Berger, G. Clerc, and N. Grimal, eds., Tributes to Jean Leclant, vol. 2: Nubia, Sudan, Ethiopia (Cairo, 1994), p. 203–19; idem, "Conjectural Restorations of Temple Mer 250," in Eighth International Conference on Meroitic Studies: Preprints of the Main Papers and Abstracts (London, July 1996), page 141. 5 Laszlo Török, City of Meroë, Ancient African Capital. Excavations in the Sudan by John Garstang (London, in press). 2 squares


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Timothy Kendall, Lost and Found Shards: Two Improved Kushite Items

Before sending it back to Liverpool, one of the drawings on the package caught my eye. It represented the profile and surface decoration of a very unusual small Meroitic pottery. Shortly thereafter, I showed the drawing to Janice Yellin, who had just returned from Paris, and she informed me that the object was in the Louvre and had the number e 11378. I discovered this object through records kindly provided by the Conservateur Geneviève Pierrat, was purchased from Garstang for the Louvre by Georges Bénédite in London in July 1913, along with fifteen other 1912-13 Season 6 locations in Meroe. The beaker is a fine cream marl with dark brown and red decoration. It has vertical sides 3–4 mm thick and a slightly convex base with a flat bottom; stands 4.5 inches tall and ranges in diameter from 3.25 to 3.75 inches. However, only around two-thirds have survived; Seven holes were filled with plaster (fig. 1a–c). The drawing from the Garstang items would inspire me to discuss and illustrate the beaker in a paper I would present at the Fifth International Conference on Meroitic Studies in Rome in 1984. To quote from this article: The main interest of this object is its decoration playful pictorial, which is a vivid depiction of a group of men performing some kind of dance. They all have short curly hair and are wearing headbands; two show beard stubble; and all are dressed... short loincloths and long sashes... The best preserved figure, drawn from the front, plays a daluka, that is, a two-sided drum, hung horizontally at the height of the belt around his neck. Four other men walk around the ship from left to right, dodging a large water jug ​​and a wine amphora on a stand. While one of these figurines, like the amphora, has almost completely disappeared due to a crack, the other three are almost complete, holding palm leaves. One of them is shown in a violently contorted9 pose, in which the chest is pushed forward and the head thrown back….

My main interest in the object at the time was that the very unusual pose of this last figure seemed very similar to that adopted by modern Nubian women when performing the popular raqaba or "neck dance", the photo of which I included in the final. publication of 10 comparisons. I have suggested that this vessel may provide evidence that modern Nubian dance, now most commonly performed by

On the sale of selected materials by Garstang after each season, consult footnote 12. 7 The object was first described by C. Ziegler, Catalog of Instruments of Music (Paris, 1979), page 73. 8 T . Kendall, "Ethnoarchaeology in Meroitic Studies," in S. Donadoni and S. Wenig, edition 658–59, 735. Fig. 2 pl. third 9 Ibid., page 659. 10 Ibid., pl. third


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Dig. 1a–d. Painted ceramic chalice found by John Garstang in Meroë in 1912-1913 and acquired by the Louvre (inv. no. e 11378) in July 1913. Fig. 1d shows a new fragment (e 27493), discovered in England in 1993 and Presented to the Louvre by Mrs. Julia Schottlander. Photos courtesy of the Musée du Louvre.


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women, and prohibited by orthodox Islamic authorities, was a remnant of an ancient traditional Nubian dance that had existed at least since Meroitic times and could then be commonly performed by 11 men. After the completion of my work and the passing of eight years, I paid little attention to this vessel. However, at the beginning of 1993, it returned to my consciousness in the most unexpected way. One day I received a letter from Mrs. Julia Schottlander, a dealer in fine Egyptian antiquities, who runs a well-known shop on Porto Bello Road in London every Saturday. Her letter drew my attention to a group of Meroitic sherds which she had recently acquired from an English collection and which she suggested might be of interest as a possible purchase for the Foreign Office as research material, given the famous Meroitic collection of the Museum. Documents accompanying the fragments identified them as belonging to Garstang's excavations at Meroë. Presumably, like other lots of archaeological material from Garstang de Meroë, they were simply sold after the excavation season to help pay for the next one. She attached several photographs of the collection with the letter, and in the center of one I saw a shell with a unique goblet style from the Louvre and what appeared to be the entire torso of the only figure missing. Comparing the photo of her with the published drawing, I immediately realized that the shell and the cup belong together. Although the Foreign Office was unable to purchase the shells, I informed her of the coincidence and she generously donated the shells to the Louvre. There she was gratefully received, soon reattached to the cup and given the new number e 27493 (Fig. 1d). Later, Geneviève Pierrat sent me a beautiful set of photographs of the recently restored cup. Even later, she sent me a copy of her post about the new addition to the Revue de 13 Louvre, and she also kindly allowed me to discuss the connection again here and sent me all the relevant information. 11 Ibid.,

p. 660–61. Török writes to me that "Garstang patrons were entitled to choose among the items displayed as new finds after each season at Burlington House in proportion to their fieldwork subscriptions; Garstang gave individual objects an estimated value and the Sponsors jointly counted value units. Understandably, they collected values, not contextual units, which weren't interesting anyway, not only in their eyes, but also to Garstang." In other words, the fifteen items selected by Bénédite had no contextual connection to each other other than Meroëe's. Unfortunately, no records of the provenance of these objects have been preserved. We will eagerly await the publication of Dr. Török's work for the full details, if he has been able to reconstruct them from such ancient and chaotic records. See also, B. G. Trigger, "The Cylinders of John Garstang de Meroe at the Redpath Museum at McGill University," in C. Berger, G. Clerc, and N. Grimal, eds., Hommages à Jean Leclant, vol. 2: Nubie, Sudan, Éthiopie, pp. 389–97.

12 Dra.


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After receiving the photographs from the Louvre, I thought I would take them with me to Lille, France, in September 1994 for the 8th International Conference on Nubian Studies, where I hoped to see László Török. He knew that, as the scholar with the most knowledge of the Garstang material, he would be particularly interested in the find. I also wondered if he would not be able to identify other sherds from the same vessel in the Liverpool collection. We met by chance at the Gare du Nord in Paris, and as soon as we got on the train to Lille, I started telling him this story. I had hardly started the story when he smiled and told me that he had discovered another loose shell of the same ship in Liverpool. When I showed him "my" scale, his smile became even wider, and he said that "his" suits him well and completes the missing face of the "lost" character (Fig. 2). I immediately asked him to collaborate with me on this role, but he refused, insisting that I "do it myself." However, he asked me to acknowledge his discovery of the second shell and duly record it as his own tribute to Kelly Simpson. When Dr. Török returned to Budapest, he kindly sent me a photo of this bark and all the relevant comment pages of his Garstang reports, still awaiting publication from him. With the arrival of two of the same shells, most of the single "missing" figure could be reconstructed, as shown in Yvonne Markowitz's wonderful new drawing of the ship (Figure 3). One can only hope that other missing pieces may still emerge. Given the unique style of painting and unusual subject matter, it is extremely strange that the two missing shells were not included with the rest of the ship before its sale to the Louvre. There does not appear to be any record of where this extremely interesting object was found. Dr. Török suggests to me that it "seems to belong to the best type of fine art painted from the 1st century AD 15th (late?) and may even be dated to the first half of the 2nd century.

13 G. Pierrat, "Aswan potter painter from 4th to 6th century AD JC"

La revue du Louvre et Musées de France 5/6 (1995), pp. 39–40. 14 Dr. Török informs me that the shell from Liverpool bears the inventory number SAOS E8384. It measures 3.8 x 1.3 cm and is 0.4 cm thick.


Dig. 2. Fragment of a Meroitic chalice Louvre e 11378, now in the School of Archeology and Oriental Studies, University of Liverpool (inv. no. e 8384), identified by Dr. László Török, Budapest. Photo courtesy of the University of Liverpool.

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Dig. Fig. 3. Louvre e 11378 Meroitic chalice with two newly identified fragments inserted (Louvre e 27493 and SAOS, Liverpool e 8384). Reconstruction drawing by Yvonne Markowitz.

15 personal

Communication. During the preparation of this article, I had another good fortune that sheds even more light on the Louvre vase and its possible significance. By chance I received a package from Patrice Lenoble with abundant material relating to his excavations in 1987 and 1990 at the Hobagi site on the right bank of the Nile, some 70 km upstream of Meroe on the left bank (cf. P. Lenoble and Nigm ed-Din Moh. Sherif, "The Barbarians at the Gate? The Royal Mounds of el-Hobagi and the End of Meroe," Antiquity 66 (1992), pp. 626–35, and "The Division of the Meroitic Empire and The End of Pyramid Building in the Fourth Century AD: An Introduction to Further Excavations of Imperial Burial Mounds in the Sudan", in the Eighth International Conference on Meroitic Studies: Reprints of Principal Papers and Abstracts (London, July 1996), pp. 68–103). Notes are included on some items excavated from two royal burial mounds with stone walls dating to the 4th century AD. Among the fifty bronze vessels recovered, one was a fragmentary bowl engraved with an unusual scene of dancing men. The object marked HBG VI/1/21 had a diameter of 29.4 cm. and 17.4 cm high, and was listed in the Sudan National Museum in Khartoum as SNM 26313. The scene featured at least sixteen figures, eleven of which are still partially visible. A man, facing forward but looking to the right, holds a daluka which he strikes with both hands. Another behind him claps while three others behind him hold palm fronds, jumping and swaying to the beat. The last man in this group, although he is looking to the right, has his body facing left, toward a line of figures moving to the left, of which at least seven remain. These men seem to be running wild. His feet do not touch the ground; his arms are outstretched and almost rest on the shoulders of his neighbors. Although the dance depicted here differs from that on the Louvre goblet, the characters are closely related in dress and appearance. The men wear loincloths with ankle-length sashes that hang between the legs; everyone wears headbands; and appear between large jars and goblets or cups. Several figures hold palm leaves. Of course, the Louvre and Hobaga vessels represent closely related ceremonies that Lenoble convincingly suggests as funerary (cf. P. Lenoble, "A Funerary Dance of Political Meaning at Meroë", in Esther Dagan, ed. The Spirit's Dance in Africa [Montreal]. , : Press]). The issue of ancient Nubian dances, and whether they or aspects of them are still present in modern Nubian dances, as I once suggested, and whether the use of ethnographic parallels is not justified, as Lenoble argues, is too complex a subject. . to discuss here; I only hope that we both address this issue at a later date, each of us from different perspectives. I thank Dr. Lenoble for sharing this information with me.


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Recovery of the Boston Statue of Aspelta's Nose (MFA 23.730) One of G. A. Reisner's most sensational finds in Sudan was his discovery in two separate caches of ten complete or nearly complete hardstone statues representing, sometimes in multiple images, Taharq and four of his five successors to the throne of Kush in the early sixth century BC Seven statues were life or near life size; three others were colossal in scale; one represented a modern queen 16. The find was full of irony. One was that Reisner discovered the first cache by accident, in an empty area ("B 500, Trench A"), directly adjacent to the Great Temple of Amun B 500 pylon, an area he was exploring as a potential setting. site (Figure 4). Here he hoped, or rather he hoped, to find nothing. Six weeks later, he found a second equally unexpected hiding place: in and around a room (B 904) the neighboring and smaller Temple of Amun B 800/900, more than a hundred meters from the first hiding place (fig. 5 ). It was a surprise to discover that many of the fragments found here joined those of the first 18 caches and complemented or enhanced some of the same statues. Since fragments of the second cache were found mixed with a thick layer of ash, charcoal, and burned wood, and appeared to have been carelessly dumped at the burial site along with debris from the fire, Reisner speculated that the statues were intentionally destroyed in an episode. violent that also included fire. As the generally larger and heavier statue fragments from the first cache lay immediately outside and to the right (northeast) of the B500 entrance, and the statue or monument fragments commingled with the second cache joined the other 19 still lying within the walls of the B500, he speculated that all the royal statues were originally placed within a large temple, which were torn down 16 G.A. Reisner, "Barkal's Temples in 1916 (pt. 1)", JEA 4 (1917), pp. 215–217, p. 41; "

Barkal Temples in 1916 (pt. 3), JEA 6 (1920), pp. 251–53, pls. 32, 33; D. Dunham, The Barkal Temples (Boston, 1970), pp. 17–24, pls. 1–22. 17 Reisner began excavations in the area on February 8, 1916. The next day, his workers began uncovering fragments of the Meroitic cobblestones. On February 10, just below pavement level, he found the statue's life-size lower leg, which at this depth seemed like an isolated find. On February 13, he noted in his diary: "I think we can safely dump the trash all over the area, but I had the floor cut in several places to establish the nature of the soil." Two days later, at a depth of 1.85 m, many more fragments of large statues suddenly began to appear, scattered haphazardly over a large area of ​​about 10 m by 6 m. Their fragmented state and chaotic arrangement, sometimes lying on top of each other, indicated to Reisner that they were here carelessly buried in a pit, which was then sealed with a pavement laid over it. 18 Reisner, 19 Za


JEA 6 (1920), p. 251. Przykład, Dunham, The Barkal Temples, p. 25 , 28 ,

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Dig. Fig. 4. The first collection of fragmentary Kushite royal statues, found on February 16, 1916: Gebel Barkal, area B 500, excavation A (MFA expedition photo B 2683). Aspelta's noseless head appears on the right.

Dig. 5. The second collection of fragmentary Kushite royal statues, found on March 31, 1916: Gebel Barkal, temple B 800/900, room B 904 (MFA expedition photograph B 2744).


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and broken in its place, and then the temple was burned. He concluded that, as a first step towards rebuilding the temple after the disaster, workers removed the broken statues and burned the rubble of the original destroyed building and buried the fragments of the statues in two widely spaced caches. The statues show similar crack patterns. When found, most were open at the base, legs, and middle, and all the heads were broken off. Five statues remain headless. Of those whose heads have been recovered, only the head on the small Senkamanisken statue in Boston shows no other facial damage. The Taharqa statue is missing its nose. The head of the large Anlamani statue lacks a nose and chin, while Aspelta's face was also found without a nose. The tall, feathered crests of each of the colossal statues have also been detached from the crowns. Five of the statues are missing their right hand or show damage to the right arm and hand. While there are no obvious signs of hammer blows to the stone, the damage appears too extensive to be natural and suggests a coordinated attempt at mutilation. How the statues were destroyed remains a mystery. However, it seems that this work was the work of an enemy determined to "kill" the statues and deprive them - and the people they represent - of the power to avenge their destruction. Reisner realized that the destruction of the B 500, and the statues, must have occurred during or shortly after the reign of Aspelta, the last king of the series of statues. Although he attributed this destruction to a hypothetical dynastic dispute in the mid-6th century BC. C., recent studies of the patterns of destruction at Barkal and Sanam suggest that each of these sites suffered rapid destruction and fire damage at the same time,23 possibly during or very close to Aspelta's early reign. Since it is unlikely that a rival dynastic faction deliberately destroyed Barkal's royal and sacred structures, as well as statues of kings over half a century old, especially the Taharqa, the vandals must have been outsiders. Since Aspelta's reign coincides chronologically with the well-known Nubian campaign of Psamético II in 593 BC. C., there seems to be no reason to doubt that the Vandals were the troops of the Egyptian king. 20 reinner,

FOOD 6 (1920), pgs. 101–1, 252–53. RK Ritner, Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (Chicago, 1993). 22 Reisner, JEA 6 (1920), p. 263–64. 23 Cf. T. Kendall, "Napatan Palace at Gebel Barkal: A First Look at B 1200", in: W.V. Davies, ed., Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to Islam (London, 1991), pp. 308; also T. Eide, T. Hagg, R.H. Pierce and L. Török, The Source Histories of Nubian Space (Bergen, 1994), p. 11–11. 229–30. 21 Cfr.


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Once the recovered pieces of the statues were sorted and reassembled, and the figures were as complete as possible (since not all the missing pieces were recovered), the statues were divided equally between the Sudanese government and the Boston MFA in accordance with the terms of Reisner's contract. The five statues selected by the Anglo-Sudanese authorities at the time for the National Collections of Sudan were the colossal Taharqa, a headless life-size Tanwetamani, a headless life-size Senkamanisken in a leopard-skin robe, a life-size and a 25-year-old life-size headless queen named Amanimael. These statues shipped to Boston were the nearly complete Anlamani and Aspelta colossal statues (Fig. 6), one complete Senkamanisken slightly underlife-size, and 26 slightly larger headless Tanwetamani and Senkamanisken images. In 1923, this last group was sent to Boston along with all the other finds 27 from Gebel Barkal, and thirty years later the two headless statues were decommissioned and transferred to the Toledo Museum of Art (Ohio) 28 and to the Museum of Art. of Art of Virginia in Richmond respectively. In addition to sending only the large stone monuments and their fragments from Gebel Barkal, Reisner also sent to Boston hundreds of other smaller stone fragments that he found at the site but which he was unable to connect to any of the known monuments. Many of the fragments had no surface at all, but since they were granites, diorites, or gneisses, it was clear to him that they were not native to the area and must belong to as yet unidentified ancient objects. Other fragments showed machined surfaces, traces of inscriptions, or details that attest to the type of statues or monuments that had been attached to them.

S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte, "The Nubian Campaign of Psammetics II and Its Historical Significance," BIFAO 50 (1952), pp. 157–207, pls. 1–4; H. Goedicke, "Psammetik II's Campaign against Nubia," MDAIK 37 (1981), pp. 187–98; P. D. Manuelian, Living in the Past: Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian 26th Dynasty (London, 1994), p. 333–71; Eide, Hägg, Pierce and Török, Sources Historiae Nubiorum, p. 279–290. 25 Dunham, temples of Barkal, pls. 7, 11, 13–14, 17, 20. The Senkamanisken statue is now housed in the Gebel Barkal Museum. 26 Ibid., please. 9-10, 12, 15-16, 19, 21-2 27 The records in the Egyptian Department of the Museum of Fine Arts show that statues and other items from Gebel Barkal, Nuri, Kurru and Meroe consisted of 78 chests that were collected at Karim railway station and transported by train to Port Sudan via Atbara. At Port Sudan they were shipped to Khedival Mail Steamship Co. and transported to Suez, where on June 27, 1923 they were transferred to the American steamer "Atlanta City" and shipped to Boston. They arrived in Boston a few weeks later, and in the fall of 1923 the restored statues were placed in the second floor galleries of the Museum28.

The headless statue of Tanwetamani was sold by the Foreign Office in 1949 to the Toledo Museum of Art, where it received the registration number 49.105. The headless statue of Senkamanisken was sold by the Foreign Office in 1953 to the Virginia Museum of Art in Richmond, where it was assigned the number 53–30–2.


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Dig. 6. Statue of Aspelta reconstructed in the field before being shipped to Boston; Karima, Sudan, April 25, 1920 (MFA Expedition A 2990 photo).


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belonged, but of which no other fragments were known. All these fragments, of which there were more than three hundred, filled ten wooden boxes in one of the Egyptian warehouses in the basement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Long after the excavations were completed, some of these fragments were identified as fragments of famous monuments. Three were recognized by Dows 30 Dunham as belonging to Piye's Victory Stela in Cairo. Karl-Heinz Priese, on a recent trip to Boston, discovered among them fragment 31 of the Tanwetamani Dream Stele. In 1990, MFA trainee Brian Curran found the missing spike of the Horus Nekheny Amenhotep III statue that Piye had moved from Soleb to Barkal and restored in Boston in the 1950s from other parts assembled by 32 Dows Dunham and then posted by Kelly. simpson. Numerous elements of other New Kingdom statues have recently been identified from 33 fragments from Gebel Barkal in Boston and studied by Peter Lacovara. One day in October 1993, while accidentally examining fragments of the Barkal stone, I turned over a piece of gray granite that I had never noticed before and noticed that its reverse was rounded and fully polished. Closer examination showed that it was the best part of the statue's nose, nearly 1 1/2 life-size. The color and type of stone and the size of the nose immediately reminded me of all the real noseless statues of Barkal. There seemed to be only one obvious choice: the Aspelta statue. I retrieved the library ladder from the faculty office and carried it along with the nose fragment to the second floor galleries where the statue was located, went up to the level of the statue's face, pressed the fragment against the cavity of the nose and rocked in place. The fragment covered about two-thirds of the original nose. A small portion of the sternum and right nostril were missing, but the entire frontal and left nostrils were present, providing more than enough information to completely and confidently reconstruct the entire nose on face 34 (Figure 7). The find was not without humor: in 1970. 29 Until they were removed and moved to better metal cabinets in 1995 during a warehouse renovation organized by deputy conservator Peter Lacovara. 30 Dunham, The Barkal Temples, pp. 48, 58, 77; NC-C Grimal, Etudes sur la propaganda royale égyptienne I: la stele triomphale de Pi(™ankh)y au Musée du Caire JE 48862 et 47086–47089 (Cairo, 1981), pp. 25, 55, 57. 31 Personal communication . 32 WK Simpson, "A Horus-of-Nekhen Statue of Amunhotpe III from Soleb", BMFA 69 (1971), pp. 152–64. 33

P. Lacovara, "Gebel Barkal New Kingdom Sculpture," paper presented before the American Center for Research in Egypt annual meeting: April 28-30, 1995, Atlanta. 34 The nose fragment was skillfully attached to the statue in May 1994 by MFA conservation intern Marie Swoboda.


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The museum released a promotional poster featuring Aspelta's noseless face prominently displayed in a color photograph. The caption read: "If you find Aspelta's nose, call 267-9233. There are over a thousand such stories at the Museum of Fine Arts. (My colleagues urged me to call this number, but in 1993 I didn't It worked.) It was clear that the nose fragment had never been identified and I wondered why. It bore the field number 20-2-1, indicating that it was the first object recorded at Gebel Barkal in February 1920. The number also indicated that it had been found four years after the statue's original hiding places.In addition, the original entry in the object book shows that the registrar did not correctly identify it, as it was described only as "a fragment of a polished blade " with "a patterned eye socket" (ie). An important piece of evidence was the provenance, which was given as "B 900 Ex. 2 rubble". This indicated that the fragment was found in the area between two caches, just outside of the walls of B 800/900 Analysis of the data on the remaining parts of the Aspelta statue showed that the best part of the body, as well as the severed head, were found in the first deposit B 500, trench A (fig. 4). ), while the detached crest of four feathers from the statue's crown was found in the same area as the nose fragment. As the nose piece was more than 100m from the head of the statue, it appears to have been detached from the face when and where the statues were originally destroyed, possibly in courtyard B 501 or B 502. As it was outside wall B 501, in the open space between B 500 and B 800/900, I initially assumed that whoever destroyed the statues simply threw the detached nose through the wall. However, examination of other items found in the area showed that there were at least 70 other worked stone fragments, many of which combine monuments known to have originally been placed in B 500, or matching fragments of 37 other items found in B 500. How interesting while some of these frag35 Te

cache I: Dunham, The Barkal Temples, pl. I ab. See also the expedition log of February 31, 1916. 36 See unpublished expedition photograph C 7196. Dunham's comments on the provenance of the Aspelta fragments ("B 500 A torso, B 801 head and feet") they are incorrect (Dunham, The Temples of Barkala, p. 23). 37 Examining the record entries for objects 19–12–65 through 20–206 will help determine how many worked hardstone fragments were found here. Among those that can be identified, 20–1–77 and 20–1–185 are fragments of Piye's Victory stela; others belonged to the feathered crest of the statue of Horus Nekhena (ibid., p. 25) and to the statue of Viceroy Kush Merymose (ibid., p. 28). Item 12-19-190, the right hand locked in a roller, apparently belongs to a statue of Senkamanisken in a leopard-skin tunic, now in the Gebel Barkal Museum.


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Dig. Fig. 7. The face of the Aspelta statue showing reinsertion of the newly identified 20-2-1 nose fragment and final reconstruction of the face.


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The mentos were contemporary or earlier than the statue deposits, the other 38 were much later. It can therefore only be concluded that periodically, during the Napatan and Meroitic periods, parts of the floor surface of B 500 were swept away or altered in a way that resulted in the recovery of fragments of broken statues and monuments that once stood. they erected there. When these remains were removed from inside the temple, they were apparently routinely moved to the area between B 500 and B 800/900 and unceremoniously discarded. It is therefore impossible to say whether Aspelta's nose was taken out in the original clearing of the B500, shortly after the statues were destroyed, or whether it was simply found many centuries later, carried out with other old rubbish, lifted and threw himself


38 Others

extracts from B 500 and B 900, ex. 1 and 2 (ie, 19–12–67, 68, 69, 103, and 20–1–98) belonged to the black granite Meroitic Sphinx now in Boston (21.2633); others (20-2-168 and 20-3-88) formed the Meroitic footrest (24.1792; T. Kendall, Kush: Lost Kingdom of the Nile [Brockton, 1982], p. 56).


32 KOZLOFF Page 477 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:34 PM

A masterpiece with three lives: the Vatican statue of Tuya

Arielle P. Kozloff


some of us value William Kelly Simpson more for his scholarship. What I value about Kelly is the "eye" of him. This is the eye of a true art connoisseur: all periods of art. He brings to Egyptology and the study of Egyptian art a rare understanding of what it takes to create a work of art and an appreciation of the process. Walking through any art gallery or museum with Kelly Simpson is an eye-opening experience. Focusing on the identification of a converted statue in the Vatican Museum, this article is a small thank you to Kelly for many times over the years, whether in Boston, Cairo or Beaubourg, for gently opening my eyes. to details, surfaces and fine points. that I would have been lost without him. Over the last two or three decades, Egyptologists have become increasingly aware of the frequency with which the pharaohs, some more than others, reused the statues of their predecessors and rebuilt them in their own likeness. This shouldn't surprise you. Eventually, Egyptian kings reused the temples of their predecessors, adding a courtyard with a pylon here, a colonnaded processional way there. The only procedural difference between the rebuilding of the temple and the rebuilding of the statue is that the former process was additive (parts were added), while the latter was reduction (parts were cut out). Both required the addition of new cartridges, sometimes over old ones. Hourig Sourouzian, Christine Strauss-Seeber, Claude Vandersleyen and others have exhibited portrait after portrait, often of the Ramessids, only to begin their ancient lives as images of much older kings. For the most part, his methodologies centered on the fact that in each period and to some degree in each reign, sculptors devised unique forms of anatomical detail. For example, the Dynasty 4 patella does not resemble the Dynasty 12 patella, which does not resemble the Dynasty 18 patella. Analysis of the statue's body structure and focus on its anatomical features allowed each researcher to recognize anatomical details that were foreign to the period. Proper editing of these details, often several for each statue, enabled each scholar to identify

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

the person for whom, or at least the period in which the statue was first carved. While this is the correct approach, it only addresses part of the issue. What must also be considered in any discussion of carving is how the transformation was actually accomplished: the steps the carver took to turn the old image into a new one. It's easy to see how a heavier image was made thinner simply by removing excess stone. However, making a thinner image appear thicker is trickier because stone cannot be added on the outside like clay. But a statue can be made to appear larger in one direction or the other by reducing the length of the perpendicular axis. Understanding this process will allow us to discover many more clipping examples in the future. An example is the large granodiorite of the seated statue of Ramesses II (A20) in the Louvre, which was originally a statue of Amenhotep III.1 It was easy to translate Amenhotep III's meatier upper torso into Ramesses' more athletic build. the Great one by simply cutting off some of the excess meat. However, transforming the narrower face of the earlier king into the broader face of the later king required some very skilled plastic surgery. Recarver achieved this by removing Amenhotep's Nemes browband and creating a new one lower on the forehead, thus shortening the vertical length of the face and making the lateral axis appear wider. The surface of the statue tells a story. The original sculptor and sculptor worked under different circumstances: the former in a quarry on a fresh piece of stone, and the latter on a surface that had become hard and brittle from centuries of exposure to the elements. Therefore, the marks left by the refinisher are different from the original cuts. Later characters are usually thicker and wider. The surface polish of original parts often differs from the surface polish of resculpted parts. Sometimes the back surface appears rougher than the front, although sometimes the reverse is true and the entire surface of the statue has been polished to appear smooth.

1 Arielle P. Kozloff and Betsy M. Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun: Amenhotep III and His World (Cleveland, 1992), pp. 172–75, no. 14. In Miguel Angel Corzo, Nefertari, Luce d'Egitto (Rome, 1994), pp. 146–49, no. On January 21, Christophe Barbotin accepted all the cutouts I identified in 1992, however he claimed that the statue was originally Ramesses II and that Ramesses reworked his own statue of him. However, this is highly unlikely as there is no other life-size granodiorite of a seated statue of Ramesses II wearing nemes. On the other hand, there is a whole series of such statues of Amenhotep III (see Kozloff and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, p. 462), and the statue in the Louvre was certainly one of this series from the Eighteenth Dynasty before which was removed and remade for Ramses in 19 dynasties.


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Arielle P. Kozloff, A Masterpiece of Three Lives - Vatican Statue Yours

Ghosts of former features are often visible upon careful examination of the surface. Most of the recited statues are quite large, and the average ancient observer would never have gotten close enough to discern, say, traces of earlier lines or eyebrows. Therefore, the offending details needed to be removed enough so that they would not be visible from the usual viewing distance. All these phenomena were present in the Louvre statue. The surface was faithful to the molding of Ramesses II and was dull and even rough2 in areas that had been sanded or trimmed, while retaining the characteristic high gloss of Amenhotep III statues in uncut areas. What immediately catches your eye after seeing the supernatural size of the Vatican statue of the queen, attributed by an inscription to Tuya, the mother of Ramses II (inv. no. 22)3, is the shine of the surface, which it is unusually high for any period of Egyptian art (fig. 1-3). However, this is typical of the work of some 18th and 19th century sculpture restorers, who hoped that the shiny surface would distract the viewer from the restoration. The Tuyi restorer tried to distract attention from the fact that the lower part of her legs is reproduced with those of the second statue, also made of granodiorite, but with a slightly lighter color and a much greater number of inclusions than in the top. The connection was obtained after smoothing the gaps in both elements, and the unnatural straight line obtained in this way was more visible in the left side view (fig. 2). We will return to this topic later. The fact that there have been some alterations prompts the viewer to look for other tropes of a similar nature. One of them (although visible only below the right breast and partially hidden by the raised left arm) was the presence of folds of fat on the chest. These were features of statues of queens from the reign of Amenhotep III, such as those next to him on the Colossi of Memnon, and like the fleshiness of his own chiselled torsos, as mentioned above. But the fold of fat is absent from Ramesses the Great's stone portraits of the queens as it is from his. Therefore, the presence of thick folds in the Vatican statue raises the possibility that it was carved in the 18th Dynasty, presumably during the reign of Amenhotep III, when meat was in vogue. The next step is to examine the surface for changes. The Queen of the Vatican sports a hairdo and crown combo made up for the image of Queen Tiy and the most famous of the 2 Turin statues

the seated statue of Ramses with a blue crown is one of the few exceptions to this rule. There, the surface has a satin finish, but it is not highly polished. 3 Giuseppe Botti and Pietro Romanelli, Le sculture del Museo Gregoriano egizio (Vatican, 1951), pp. 18–21, no. 28. H. including the modern base (18th century?): 3 metres.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

panties. 1–2. The statue of Tuya, the mother of Ramses II, recreated from the statue of Queen Tiy, wife of Amenhotep III, probably restored in the 18th century. granodiorite, h. 3.00 m including the base. Museo Gregoriano Egizio, nº inv. NO. 22. Photographs by John Ross.


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Arielle P. Kozloff, A Masterpiece of Three Lives - Vatican Statue Yours

Dig. 3. Fragment of the statue of Tuya. Photo by John Ross.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

glazed soapstone (fig. 4) and Egyptian blue in Paris, Cairo, and London, gilded wood applications in Munich, a colossal limestone group from Medinet Habu now in Cairo, and the "colossi of Memnon" still in Kom el -Heitan.4 Consists of heavy wigs with dozens of braids that end in long, twisted ends and completely cover the shoulders. At the top is a vulture headdress with outstretched wings framing the queen's face. At the top is a wreath, and above it a tall modius, which may be faceted with cartouches in a large figure or only vertically fluted in a small statuette. Nefertari, queen of Ramses II, whose images are much more numerous than Tuya's and thus better reflect the styles of her day, also wears a simplified version of this hairstyle and headdress, but without the crown and with other important differences. Firstly, Nefertari's hairstyle rarely covers her shoulders, but is usually parted with a bunch of braids that fall in front of her shoulders and others behind her. Second, Nefertari's hair length characteristically extends below her bust line, not above her, like here. Queen Tiy's hair was always long enough to expose her breasts, and her nipples, like many statues of the goddess made during her husband's reign, were almost always covered with a rosette motif. Nefertari had never used this device. Furthermore, it was characteristic of Queen Tiy to wear a wide neck with a length equal to the length of her hair. Nefertari's hair was always much longer than her neck. The wig and vulture tooling is extremely delicate. Each line appears to have been achieved in one quick cut, although it must have required a series of fine strokes with a hammer and chisel. The flat parts of the forehead of each feather and the wavy surface of each braid are polished to a satin finish. The quality of the workmanship corresponds to the highest level of mastery of Egyptian granodiorite and cannot be claimed for any particular period. However, when this high quality of carving is displayed in a sculpture, it shows consistently in every part of the statue where fine detail is required. Thus, one would expect the same delicate instrumentation on this statue, as well as on the necklace, bracelets, and flower crown. However, as we travel back and forth across the statue, it becomes clear that tool marks pointing to braids, twisted ends, and vulture feathers are the only details on this delicate statue. Necklace, bracelets and crown, for

4 kozlov

and Bryan, Egypt's Dazzling Sun, p. 202–203, no. 22 and figures 22a, 22b (statuettes from Paris, Cairo and London); pgs. 212–13, no. 28 (Munich application); p. 42, fig. II.5 (Medinet Habu group), page 33, fig. II.1 (Kom el-Heitan group).


Dig. 4. Figure of Queen Tiy (fragment of the group). Glazed soapstone, h. 12". Louvre N 2312. Photo. author.

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Arielle P. Kozloff, A Masterpiece of Three Lives - Vatican Statue Yours

for example, they are all described fairly broadly with rough, wide spaces between items. Examination of the top of the flower crown reveals the reason for this. At center front, where the vulture's neck and head protruded before detachment, the wig and crown rise about 2cm higher than the rest of the girth, obviously because the rest was cut away, making the modius more high. It was easier to rework the top of the floral crown than to create a new design more typical of a Ramessid queen. The only practical reason to cut off part of the top of the head is to allow more space in the forehead of the modius. The only reason for the larger gap is to replace rather short cartouches like those of Amenhotep III with rather long ones like those of Ramesses II. The execution of the cartouches and uraei with which they are intertwined is similar to the wide and heavy treatment of bracelets, necklaces and floral crowns; and distinctly different from the wig and wings of a vulture. Where do even heavier tools appear on this statue? In particular, there are two cuts that correspond to the hard work of the hands on the modius, etc. These are the wrinkle on the neck and the widened space between the upper and lower lips. As with the Louvre A 20 when it was revised, these features were added to suit the Ramesside style. The neck line is a standard feature of the Ramesses II. And the space between the lips had to be widened to trim Tiy's thicker upper lip (similar to Amenhotep's) to the narrower figure of the Ramesid queen. The lip creases on either side of her mouth were also quite marked, like Louvre A 20, to create Ramesside's plump face. Her eyes have also been changed. What started with Tiya's dramatic brows and crayon lines have been shaved off so they are not visible, though the markings are palpable, except for part of the crayon line which has been cut deeper, creating Tiya's heavy upper eyelid. Ramesside. like the Ramses of Turin. Before these individual features were changed, some serious work was done on the shape of the face. First of all, the entire face has been slimmed down from its original full moon shape by cutting the sides from the temples to the jaw line. A dead space, up to a centimeter wide, surrounds the face where the wig and headdress have been cut. The inner line of the wig, which is straight up and down in all intact portraits, is now shaped like a keyhole. That the face was cropped is consistent with what happened to the rest of the character, especially from the hips down. The track is the space between the hanging of the right forearm and the torso where it should be


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

lack of space. The forearm should rest directly against the body, and the distance between the hand and the thigh should be zero or minimal, whereas here it is quite wide. If the bent left elbow seems to extend unusually to one side, this is also due to thinning of the hips and thighs on that side. As the statue stands now, the width of the chest is roughly equal to the width of the hips, which is in line with 19th Dynasty standards. If enough stones could be replaced to fill the space between the current hips and arms right, and replace the same amount in the left (in this way to make the left arm more comfortable), then the statue's proportions would be in line with Queen Tiy's proportions, where the hips are usually half as large. a wider grid square than in the Dynasty 195 versions. Pose, chest rosettes, combination of heavy wig, vulture headdress, floral crown and modius, scaled-down proportions, cut-out face, modius and jewels all indicate that this carved statue for the mother of Ramses II began as a statue of the great queen Tiy Amenhotep III. One of the questions not satisfactorily answered above concerns the date the foreign drumstick set was included. Perhaps the answer suggests the style in which the small figure of Prince Henutmire is carved on the left side of the rear pillar, where Tiy must have left it blank. He is depicted in two halves. The connection of the upper part of the statue with the new lower part of the legs passes through the prince's waist and just below the bent elbow. Any connoisseur of Egyptian art would recognize the slender proportions of the upper half, the elongated shoulders, and the long, lazy curve of the prince's side lock as the archetypal Ramessid style. However, the figure below the waist, that is, from the neatly dressed and slowly curved joint downwards, does not resemble any traditional Egyptian style of any dynasty. While Egyptian kings and princes wore kilts, this guy's outfit is a strange type of miniskirt unknown in ancient Egypt. Also, the prince's legs should look the same as his long, slender arms, but instead have strong muscles and a forceful curve that one would expect from classical or post-Renaissance art. The lower half of the prince's figure must have been added by a very skilled mason who knew that the Egyptians wore short skirts and posed in two dimensions.

5 Ver


Schemat siatki Betsy Bryan with Kozloff i Bryan, The Dazzling Sun of Egypt, s. 466, table 3.

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Arielle P. Kozloff, A Masterpiece of Three Lives - Vatican Statue Yours

a depiction with one leg in front of the other, but he did not understand the subtleties of Egyptian art well enough to reproduce a good facsimile. Perhaps it was done in the 18th century by some Cavaceppi or some other talented restorer of ancient classical marbles. Perhaps some other repairs were also made to this statue at that time, such as the nose, the ankles on the left side, and the connection to a new base. Some of Cavaceppi's distinctive features included "joints with slowly curved edges and cleanly coated intended to appear as random cracks; embedding the remnants of an ancient plinth into a modern base…. To further disguise that the piece is being repaired, the entire [the sculpture's] surface...can be reworked to create a homogeneous texture...highly polished surfaces are characteristic of Cavaceppi's early restorations." but it does at least give us a period in which the kinds of repairs we see on the Vatican Queen could reasonably fall, and it would explain the classical flavor of Henutmire's skirt and legs. It has now been recognized that many statues of pharaohs led two different lives, both ancient. Perhaps the Vatican monument is the first to be credited with having gone through three manifestations, and as such this message may be appropriate for a volume of study devoted to a gifted and gentle man who is a great scholar, healer, and teacher, but for the most part all great connoisseur - one who really knows what he sees.


6 Carlos A. Picon, Bartolomeo Cavaceppi, Restorations of Ancient Eighteenth-Century Marble Sculptures from English Private Collections (London, 1983), describes Cavaceppi's work on Greek and Roman marbles. Jean-Marcel Humbert, Michael Pantazzi, and Christiane Ziegler, Egyptomania, L'Egypte dans l'art occidental 1730–1930 (Paris, 1994), pp. 52–56, illustrate and document examples of Egyptian sculpture restoration in the 18th century. , No. 4, 5. 7 Picon, Bartolomeo Cavaceppi, 18th century restorations of an ancient marble sculpture, p.17.


33 LACOVARA Page 487 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:38 PM

Old Kingdom earthenware tile

Piotr Lacovara


Among the many objects in the Robert Hay collection, which formed the basis of the Egyptian collection at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, there is a small faience plate 1, the date and meaning of which remain a mystery. The tile is 9.2 cm high, 2.0 cm thick, and has been preserved to a length of 11.3 cm. It has a blue-grey-brown faience core with a glossy 2 blue-green glazed surface. Three figures of goddesses with hieroglyphic inscriptions are engraved on the surface of the tile (fig. 1-2). The 3 cut places were originally filled with plaster and gilded. Small patches of plaster have been preserved, but only slight traces of gilding. The gold may have been deliberately mined at a later date. The mosaic itself was produced using the efflorescence method, a method characteristic of early faience technology. There are traces of glue along the surface of the edges, possibly masking glue, which would have been used to secure the finished tile in place. Cutting the earthenware body to create space for the marquetry material is a technique known since the late Old Kingdom. Excavated Example 6 and a close parallel to the Boston Mesa have recently been found at Abusir. The latter has a sintered body and represents a procession of the gods. The figures were cut through the surface of the tile and filled with white cement covered with gold leaf. Here much of the gilt surface remained intact and the details of the figures appear to have been cut out 1

On the purchase of materials from the Hay collection by Samuel Way of Boston, see Walter Muir Whitehill, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: A Centennial History 1 (Cambridge, MA, 1970), page 21. 2 MFA (18) 72.1593 , Gift C. Granville Way. Thanks to Dr. Rita Freed, Curator in the Department of Ancient Egyptian, Nubia and Middle Eastern Art, for permission to publish this article, and to Yvonne Markowitz for her assistance and illustration. 3 I would like to thank Richard Newman, Senior Scientist in the Department of Conservation and Research at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, for this analysis. 4 Alex Kaczmarczyk and R.E.M. Hedges, Ancient Egyptian Earthenware (Warminster, 1983), pp. A–4. package of 5 cit., pgs. A–89. 6 Miroslav Verner, “Excavations in Abusir, season 1982 — preliminary report”, ZĘS 111 (1982), pp. 70–78; idem, Forgotten Pharaohs, Lost Pyramids (Prague, 1994), pp. 142, 151.

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Dig. 1. Ministry of Foreign Affairs (18)72.1593; Don C. Granville Way. Photo courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

on a metal surface. This technique, in which large surfaces of inlays are inlaid flush with the finished substrate, seems to be characteristic of the House of the Old King7, as shown on the bas-reliefs of Nefermaat. The goddesses depicted on the plaque can be identified as possibly Neith, Rennutet, and 1/4py the Great. They are drawn in the toned down style typical of the period and are shown holding the signs ™n∞, with the last figure also holding a scepter in £s. Another earthenware tile with a similar pattern was discovered in Sahure's mortuary temple. Here, the figures of Sekhmet and Ptah are cut through the top layer of enamel on the faience body 10, filled with plaster and gilded. Two additional tablets or tablets have been found at Saqqara, both described as Pepi II in AD 11. These two show the king standing on the base of the ™n∞ symbols in the company of the goddess. The Wadjet is represented on a plate 7 Cf.

William Kelly Simpson, ed., William Stevenson Smith, Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1981), pp. 81–84. 8 Dominique Valbelle, personal correspondence. 9 See A. Erman and H. Grapow, Wörterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache 1 (Leipzig 1926), page 68. I would like to thank Stephen Quirke for identifying this goddess. 10 Ludwig Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Königs S'a¢u-Re™ 1 (Leipzig, 1910), pp. 127–28. 11 Sally B. Johnson, The Cobra Goddess of Ancient Egypt, London 1990, page 173.


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Peter Lacovara, Old Kingdom Earthenware Tile

Dig. 2. Board drawing by Yvonne Markowitz.


and in the other the king is shown between Hathor and another deity. Both are made of gilt plaster and painted on wood, with the floor preserved in the latter painted in blue, perhaps in the manner of an earthenware tile 13 (fig. 3). Fragments of additional panels have been found in Pepi II's mortuary temple, including one depicting the king between Horus and 14 Seth, and another with a royal cartouche flanked by two Horus falcons. Borchardt believed that the earthenware tile from Sahure's mortuary temple was a private votive stele placed on the temple wall 15 years later. However, it is more likely that such extensive panels served as 12G.

Jéquier, "Preliminary report of the excavations carried out in 1933-1934 in the southern part of the Memphite necropolis", ASAE 34 (1934), pp. 76-82; ditto, Monument Tomb of Pepi II 3 (Cairo, 1938–1940), pp. 39–40. 13 Ibid.,

fronton. p. 39-40. 15 Borchardt, Monument Tomb of King S'a¢u-Re™ 1. 14 Ibid.,


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Fig. 3. Tablet Pepi II z Jéquier, The funerary monument of Pepi II 3 (Kair, 1938–1940), pediment.

decorative sides of boxes or small shrines for temple furniture and cult figurines in Old Kingdom mortuary temples. The Abusir 16 papyri mention "chests" in lists of temple furniture. in the history


P. Posener-Kriéger and Jean-Louis de Cenival, Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, part of the series: The Abu Sir Papyri (London, 1968), pls. 21 and


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Peter Lacovara, Old Kingdom Earthenware Tile

"Khufu and the Magicians", an ebony and gold box contained 17 elements for a magical crocodile figurine. The wooden chests inlaid with earthenware come from the House of the Old King18. In fact, Pepi's panels resemble representations of chests with a base of hieroglyphic symbols depicted in the Hesire 19 tomb (fig. 4). Dig. 4. Representations of chests from the tomb of Hesire, after G. Killen, Egyptian Woodworking and Furniture (Princes Risborough, 1994), page 29, fig. 36.


17 Guillermo

Kelly Simpson, ed., Ancient Egyptian Literature (New Haven, 1973), page 17. Scamuzzi, Turin Museum of Art (Turin, 1963), pl. 11. 19 Geoffrey Killen, Furniture of Ancient Egypt 2 (Warminster, 1994), p. 6–7. 18 Ernesto


34 LAUER Page 493 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:37 PM

Notes on the Imhotep inscription carved on the base of the statue of Horus Neteri-khet (King Djoser)

Jeana-Philippe'a Lauera


It was in January 1926 when Cecil M. Firth discovered, five meters south of the Step Pyramid enclosure and about twenty-five meters from its southeast corner, the precious base of the statue of Horus Neteri-khet, on which is found the name and all the titles of his minister Imhotep (see Fig. 1), while other smaller fragments soon followed, scattered nearby. Everything was soon transferred to the Cairo Museum, where Battiscombe Gunn was entrusted with the investigation, who noted that it was a single statue; thus he was able to recreate his reconstruction of King Djoser standing with his feet together in the same alignment, which is quite unique, but is also found in the Step Pyramid complex, in the chapel with angle bulls located at the far end of the pyramid. northwest. from the so-called Heb-sed courtyard, in which four pairs of statue feet (2 large and 2 small) have been preserved, arranged in a similar way. B. Gunn then managed with a very high probability to complete the broken left end lost with the end of the fourth Imhotep inscription and tried to solve the problem of the central inscription, facing the serek of Horus Neteri-khet, this grouping explains: " King of Lower Egypt, Senwi (or Sensen)". But right after that, he correctly asked the following question: "Why, then, does he appear here as the ruler of only half of his kingdom?" He replied that we would have a couple of statues there, only...


1 Cf. CM. Firth, "Preliminary Report of the Saqqara Excavations 1925–1926",

ASAE 26 (1926), p. 97–101; également Firth, Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara, The Stepped Pyramid (Cairo, 1936), vol. Q: Pg. 113 et al. II: pl. 58.2

cf. B. Gunn, "Step Pyramid Site Inscriptions. I: The Inscribed Statue of King Zoser” ASAE 26 (1926), pp. 177–96 and pl. 1, A and B. 3 See Firth, Quibell, Step Pyramid II, pl. 63. 4 Cf. B. Gunn, ASAE 26 (1926), pp. 190–94 and figs.

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Ryc. 1. Inscription of Imhotep, according to D. Wildung, Imhotep i Amenhotep, p. 6.

Only parts of one of them have survived to this day: the one found would have had the red crown of Lower Egypt and the other the white crown of Upper Egypt, but this last statue would have kept the same name, as I don't know. of any examples of a king having different names for northern Egypt and southern Egypt. He adds, however, that early in the Third Dynasty Djoser may have had the following title: "W, Ø". Gunn then transcribes and translates five very important titles which, along with Imhotep's name, are evidently part of his devotion to Horus Neteri-khet. He refuses, however, to add two more modest titles of carpenter and sculptor, under his name, to which should be added the title of vase, from which follows the very probable ending of the first character (see Fig. .. 2). He believes that the name of the statue's sculptor should be given after these latter titles, though he acknowledges that the "immortalization" of the sculptor's name on the actual monument "is a most striking feature" and especially that the name struggles to find a place. in a missing part of the base, if the symbol it recommends is there. Therefore, it is highly probable that the sculptor's name was never engraved there (see Fig. 3); but Imhotep, referring to the main occupations he conducted in the construction of the royal funerary complex, linked it with the homage he paid to Horus Neteri-khet by offering him this statue. Thanks to this dedication, Gunn adds, we now have a unique contemporary document of the famous Imhotep-Imouthes which, he wrote, is "perhaps the most important feature of this monument."


3 ∆4 † T


Gunn, ibid., pp. 188–90. W. G. Waddell, Mathematics (1964), p. 40–41. 7 B. Gunn, ASAE 26 (1926), page 194. 6 Cf.



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Jean-Philippe Lauer, Notes on the Imhotep Inscription

Fig. 2. According to Battiscombe Gunn, ASAE 26, p.191, fig. 8.

Fig. 3. Restitution filed by B. Gunn.

He then cites two examples of the same title engraved here (which may therefore be supplemented by the title ", vase maker)" of eight place settings, one on a bowl in Peribsen's tomb at Abydos, the other on a fragment of diorite plaque found on the step pyramid itself, each of these two titles is followed by the name £fi, Pt¢-n-Pt¢ Since then we have collected about fifteen more or less complete specimens from the same holder and the same name in the cloisters VI-VIII of the pyramid among the huge pile of stone vessels from the 1st and 2nd Dynasties, stolen from the royal treasury by Djoser, and which we discovered were piled there and broken in 11. Five other examples were also found in 12 other underground spots of the pyramid or its complex. Let us finally add the finding in the pyramid of a somewhat transparent rock crystal cup, which represents the same titles, but precedes another 13 in the noun I¤ ⁄ , "lion". Long before, Quibell found the same inscription engraved on a bowl and a fragment of a plate in tomb 14 No. 2302 in the archaic northern Saqqara cemetery.

2 2£ ¤


Cf. Amélineau, New Excavations at Abydos 1897–1898 (Paris, 1904), pl. L, 1, 2 and page 491. 9 B. Gunn, "Inscriptions from the Step Pyramid Site," ASAE 28 (1928), pp. 165–66 and pl. III, 10; also Lacau, Lauer, Step Pyramid IV, Text (1961), page 67 and Plates, pl. 25, n.o 142. 10 Cfr. J.-Ph. Lauer, Monumental History of the Pyramids of Egypt (Cairo, 1962), pp. 92–94. 11 J.-Ph. Lauer, Step Pyramid III, Supplements (1939), p. 1–26 and pl. 2-13 and 16-19 12 Firth, Quibell, Step Pyramid II (1926), pl. 90, no. 11–14; also Lacau, Lauer, Step Pyramid IV, Planks (1959), pl. 25 and Text (1961), page 68, n° 144 and 146–48, page 69 n° 149. 13 Lacau, Lauer, Step Pyramid IV, Plates, pl. VI, 9 and Text, page 72. 14 Lacau, Lauer, ibidem, pl. 6, 5 and 6 and text, p.72; also Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara 1912–1914, Archaic Mastabas (Cairo, 1923), pl. XVII,


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In turn, almost half a century after the discovery of the base, Dietrich Wildung, in his excellent work Imhotep und Amenhotep, tries to solve the same problem, although he believes that the interpretation of Ø seems almost impossible without the discovery of 15 new complements. documents. However, since Gunn's interpretations to the left of the titles (see Fig. 3) have been generally accepted and do not allow another name to be added to the second series of titles arranged 16 17 under the name d'Imhotep, he believes that , like H. Junker, P. Kaplons and us that these last three relatively modest titles, like the five much more important ones that precede them, must also refer to him. He goes on to explain how these latter titles relate to Imhotep and would also like to add a central inscription to them, but the reverse direction of the script in front of the serekh of Horus 19 Neteri-khet makes it "kaum möglich", he writes. . However, we consider it necessary to emphasize that it has not been proven in any way that the name of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt is so, since on the one hand there is no known example of different names. North and the King of the South, and on the other hand this supposed royal name is not found in any other contemporary or even later inscription to Djoser. Therefore, it seems reasonable to interpret this hieroglyphic group Ø as a very special qualification of Imhotep in relation to the king of Lower Egypt: his childhood companion, his close friend, perhaps even his twin in R. Stadelmann's translation, but more well his "alter ego." thus with Djoser in the royal palace of the "White Walls", future Memphis, a place considered as Lower Egypt compared to the royal residences of Upper Egypt (in Nekhen and Abydos), it would be a very great intimacy





Wildung, Imhotep und Amenhotep, MĘS 36 (1977), page 6. H. Junker, Die Gesellschaftliche Stellung der Ægyptischen Künstler im Alten Reich (Vienna 1959), page 77. 17 P. Kaplony, Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit I (Wiesbaden, 1963), pp. 402–405 and 519 (last lines). 18 J.-Ph. Lauer, A Monumental History of the Pyramids of Egypt I (1962), pp. 114-15, footnote. 6, where we proposed "considering that the last line of the titles applies equally to Imhotep; the latter, the grand master of the great corporations that worked to realize the eternal residence of King Zosera, would himself represent his functions here, calling himself himself "builder, sculptor-engraver and vase", in short "Master of carpenters-builders, sculptor-engravers and vases".

19 D.

Wildung, Imhotep and Amenhotep, page 7. Cf. R. Stadelmann, Die ägyptischen Pyramiden (Mainz, 1991), pages 266–67, footnote 127, where he does not seem to realize that it must have been Imhotep himself.



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Jean-Philippe Lauer, Notes on the Imhotep Inscription

between Djoser and Imhotep, allowing the latter to dedicate all his titles in some way, the first visible statue of Horus Neteri-khet in his huge monumental ensemble. This sculpture would probably be presented in the chancel with a stepped façade, whose entrance is located towards the center of the entrance colonnade 21, on the edge of the massif of the south enclosure. Still, we think we can say that the entire inscription is in fact about Imhotep himself, as D. 22 Wildung wanted it to be. Thus, it begins with the speech of the "alter ego" of the king of Lower Egypt to Horus Neteri-khet, with whom he deliberately confronts himself (in a sense contrary to the scripture) and who in his funerary group is considered deified. . Then, to the left, behind a large pillar, the five main titles of him at that time: "Chancellor of the King of Lower Egypt, first after the King of Upper Egypt, Administrator of the Great Palace, Hereditary Nobleman, High Priest of Heliopolis , Imhotep;" and finally, three more modest titles: "carpenter-builder, sculptor-engraver, vase", thus linking to his dedication the three main professions that they exercised in accordance with his directives in the eternal residence of King Djoser.


Fig. 4. According to ASAE 33, p.159.

Finally, let us pay attention to one more peculiarity of Imhotep's titles: it concerns the order of the first two titles Ø and W fi fi@, which here is reversed in relation to the norm. However, it is the same in the seal impressions that we note in the grout of the fine limestone facing of the funerary hall of the third step (perhaps queen's) pyramid gallery, where the first two titles were added. Imhotep is the work of the carpenter-builder of Nekhen (see Fig. 4).





21 By.

C. M. Firth, "Preliminary report of the excavations at Saqqara (1925–1926)", ASAE 26 (1926), page 99 and plan of the colonnade. 22 Cf. D. Wildung, op. cit., page 7. 23 J.-Ph. Lauer, "Excavations of the Antiquities Service at Saqqara (North Sector)", ASAE 33 (1933), pp. 159–160 and the engraving reproduced above, granting the titles of chancellor twice to the king of Lower Egypt and first to the king of Upper Egypt, after which it appears, only once, the royal chancellor of Lower Egypt and the carpenter-builder Nekhen . The Ihynes lintel, which also bears this title, was discovered near the colonnade: Lt. Dr. J.-Ph. Lauer, "A note on the various works carried out at Saqqara", ASAE 37 (1937), page 110, fig. 3.


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Although Imhotep's name does not appear there, there is no doubt that it refers to his seals; This new title, according to Manetho's text, is yet another confirmation of his role as architect, builder of the monumental complex for King Djoser. These are additional comments on this unique and valuable document signed by Imhotep which came to mind many years after its discovery, and which I am especially pleased to present as a personal contribution to this Festschrift in honor of my dear and eminent friend, William Kelly. . Simpson, long-time president of our International Association of Egyptologists.





35 LECLANT/BERGER Page 499 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:37 PM

Religious brotherhoods at Saqqara in the late 12th Dynasty?

Jean Leclant y Catherine Berger


and the documentation is almost mute about religious associations in the time of the pharaohs, their reality solidly confirmed from the Ptolemaic period, however, suggesting their existence in earlier times. It seems to us that a small gray limestone monument found in multiple fragments 2 in 1973 by the French archaeological mission in Saqqara in the upper temple of Pepi I may contribute a new element to the study of this file. In the name of Neferhor, the superior of the divine sacrifices, the superior of the priests in the temples, the administrator, the chief of the cupbearers in the 4th temple of Ptah, the document could be qualified by P. Vernus as a table of 5 sacrifices of a specific model: in addition to the table top, four sides are also decorated, which probably suggests that the present monument was not intended to be placed under the stela, along the wall, but probably should allow yourself to spin around him. Associated by P. Vernus with a stele found by the 1st.

Cf. F. de Cénival, Religious associations in Egypt according to demotic documents (Le Caire: 1972), pp. P. Vernus, LĘ III, 6 (1979) column 848–850 (s.v. Kultgenossenschaft) lists the records of known associations from the time of the 26th Dynasty and defines their attributions. Regarding the earlier period, B. Bruyère, Mert Seger in Deir el Medineh, MIFAO 58 (1930), pp. 57 and 85–86, drew attention to remains at Deir el-Medina which, in his opinion, could be linked to an association of craftsmen devoted to Amenhotep I; recently, W. Helck ("Ein früher Beleg für eine Kultgenossenschaft?", SAK 18 [1991], pp. 233–240) proposes a new reading of the ostracon from the time of Ramesses II, which he would invoke, still in Deir el Medineh, the Anoukis enthusiasts association. 2 For the work of MAFS in the Temple of Pepi I, see the annual chronicle published by J. Leclant and G. Clerc in Orientalia, in particular volumes 38 (1969) to 58 (1989). 3 Cf. D. Franke, “Die Stele Inv. No. 4403 of the Landesmuseum in Oldenburg”, SAK 10 (1983), p.169, no. 50. 4 P. Vernus, "Two Inscriptions from the Twelfth Dynasty from Saqqara", RoE 28 (1976) pp. 119–138, p. 11-14. 5 On the subject of the variety of monument types in the Middle Kingdom, see in particular P. Vernus, RdE 26 (1974), page 103: free-standing stelae, "pseudo-naos", arched stelae, rectangular stelae, pseudo-arts, false chapels, obelisks.

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G. Jéquier in the funerary temple of Pepi II at Saqqara-Sud and the 7 now preserved in the Cairo Museum, our offering table is probably dedicated to the notable figure of the clergy of Ptah in the late 12th Dynasty, although the the titles mentioned on both monuments remain modest, and the quality of workmanship is relatively poor. 8 From the work of P. Vernus and without modifications, two new fragments have been added to the Table of Gifts, which remains quite incomplete; there is still a significant gap in the middle. The top is not flat; from the back to the front of the monument there is a slight inclination 10, where in the middle 11 there are traces of breakage of the upper part (side A, cf. Fig. 1). Thus, while the two long sides - the front and the back of the table - are rectangular (A and C), the two shorter ones (B on the left, D on the right) are trapezoidal, slightly higher at the top. back (19.5 cm) than at the bottom. the front (17cm). At both ends of the front (side A), under a band of incised inscription, on either side of the central vertex, two figures sit facing each other; In front of each of them there is a table loaded with offerings. The one on the right, better preserved, wears a loincloth with a starched triangular front; a necklace of large pearls adorned her neck; behind his head his name: Neferhor. On the left, the scene, of which little remains except the offering table and the foot of the statue, must have had a symmetrical layout. The three remaining sides (B, C and 13 D) are decorated under the poorly preserved inscription line 6 G.

Jéquier, Funeral Monument of Pepi II, volume III, pp.39–42 and fig. 29; P. Vernus, RdE 28 (1976), pp. 128–37, p. 14.7 JE51733. 8 P. Vernus, RdE 28 (1976), p.119, evokes a highly disturbed context of discovery; in reality, the fragments were collected near a lime kiln installed in the first warehouse south of the sanctuary of Pepi I. Several limestone monuments of the ancient decoration of the temple were also found nearby; See, for example, J.-Ph. Lauer and J. Leclant, "The Discovery of the Prisoner Statues in the Pyramid Temple of Pepi I", RdE 21 (1969), pp. 55–62, 6 figures, pl. 8-10. As for the temporary burial mentioned by P. Vernus, ibid., it is later (from the New Kingdom) and not related to our monument. 9 Therefore, the dimensions of the offering table remain difficult to determine: approximately 38 x 55 cm; front height: 17 cm; on the back: approximately 19.5 cm 10 In relation to the reader of the main texts, who faces the monument, on the prow side, that is, in the opposite direction to the victims placed on the rug that adorns the tabletop; See G. Lacaze, O. Masson and J. Yoyotte, "Two Menphite Documents Copied by J.-M. Vansleb in the 17th century", RdE 35 (1984), p. 130. 11 We do not follow the order proposed by P. Vernus, RdE 28 (1976) p.119, hence our designation of faces other than his.12 This explains the discrepancy between the incised lines of the bases of the scenes at angle C/D.


35 LECLANT/BERGER Page 501 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:37 PM

Fig. 1. Reconstruction from the found elements of the table of victims in the name of Neferhor. Drawing by F. Cartier.

Jean Leclant and Catherine Berger, Religious Sisterhoods at Saqqara at the End of the Twelfth Dynasty?


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a row of kneeling priests behind a small pile of offerings in a broken line marking the ground; their titles and names are defined 16 at the level of their faces: each of the represented figures seems to be identified by the title of the priest followed by his name and the words "maa khérou, neb imakh". Dressed in a small loincloth, they wear a three-row necklace of large round pearls around their necks; Her short hairstyle is slightly defined in small horizontally springy curls. The former's left hand, side B, rests on his right shoulder; his right hand no doubt fell to his knee on the ground, as it does with other priests whose other arm is always brought to the middle of the chest with the elbow on the outstretched knee. Four figures 18 were to appear in the same position on each of the sides B 19 20 and D; on the back (side C) of the monument, there are still three priests of the six who were probably represented there. On the stela, clearly better preserved than the sacrificial tablet on which fourteen figures appeared, there is not a single mention of the upper part. 14 Correct P. Vernus, RdE 28 (1976), p.123 for our side B (for him C). 15 Panes on side D, as probably appears from the traces preserved on side C; on side B, goose was added. 16 The engraved hieroglyphics are painted in turquoise green. There is no other trace of color on the offering table. 17 P. Vernus had already underlined the archaic aspect of spelling and phraseology (RdE 28 [1976], p. 137, no. 20). The scene depicted on pages B, C and D of the table of Neferhor's gifts is also not exempt from references to older bas-reliefs, such as 1, page 76, dated N. Cherpion, Mastabas et hypogées de l'Ancien Empire (1989), pp. 137–38, by Nyuserre; We thank Ms. Amal Hilal-Giret for this reference, taken from her current master's thesis on the characteristics of social ties in Old Kingdom representations. On the influence of the Old Kingdom style on the Middle Kingdom monuments at Saqqara, see P. Munro, SAK 10 (1983), pp. 283–295, for example, on the tomb of Unas-hay-ishetef; this should now be dated to the 12th Dynasty, despite the obvious archaism of the deceased's name and titles, as well as chapel depictions of him. 18 The name of the first has disappeared; the second was called Ny-Ptah-Kaou (cf. P. Vernus, RdE 28 [1976], p. 123); the name of the third (disappeared as the last) had to start with Pépi…; Ny-Ptah-Kaou and Pépi… both were priests of ouab. 19 The first three characters are still visible, but only traces of their titles and names remain. 20 The name of the first is difficult to read; the second and third, both wab priests, were called Pepi-our and Nefertoum respectively (P. Vernus, RdE 28 [1976], p. 123). 21 Two hypotheses: one behind the other or one opposite the other, which is much less likely, since such an arrangement would break the rhythm of the succession of the priests and would contradict the continuity of the text that dominates the band horizontally. The difference in height of the victims, which we assume to be at the height of the first surviving priest's shoulders, could correspond to the concern to emphasize the axis of the monument.


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Jean Leclant and Catherine Berger, Religious Sisterhoods at Saqqara at the End of the Twelfth Dynasty?

A relative of Neferhor, apart from his double-named mother. We insist on the priesthood of each of the figures associated with the homage; most of the time (taking into account the state of conservation of the monument) it is a decoy priest; in one case he is lector-priest (fry- ¢ bt). They all also mention his mother's name, which has no place on the offering table, nor does it allude to Neferhor's family. The presence of a stele and a gift table in the name of the same hero, Neferhor, arranged on two different royal tombstones, seems to show that special care was devoted to it. It should be noted that we did not find the same speakers from one monument to another. In any case, no connection is mentioned between the priests and Neferhor, in particular no affiliation. While in the Middle Kingdom it is normal to meet a friend of the deceased associated with the funerary cult, it is much less, since there are 22 with no mention of their relatives. The presence of so many speakers with no family ties to him suggests that this may be a tribute to one of their own by the colleges of priests. Therefore, we have the right to ask ourselves if we are really dealing with a monument of private initiative. It should be added that the location of this stela and this offering table in two royal funerary temples is surprising. The inauguration of the temple of Pepi I highlighted the renovation of the pharaoh's funerary monument in the early Middle Kingdom23, forming part of the reconstruction program of royal funerary cults24 in the Memphis region. Ahmed Fakhry's excavations at 25 Dahshour have already drawn attention to evidence of Old Kingdom sanctuaries functioning in the 12th Dynasty. 22 Cf., for example, P. Vernus, "La stele C 3 du Louvre", RDE 25 (1973), who notes on page 234: "As for the figures on stela C 19, it is most probable that are not relatives of Mra, but colleagues". 23 Or perseverance, if one believes Aly Abdalla ("The Tomb of the Sekwaskhet Family of Saqqara", JEA 78 [1992], p. 110), or if we consider, for example, the title of Meni in The First Intermediate Period ( cf. H. G. Fischer, Dendera in the third millennium B.C. [New York, 1968], pp. 170–75). 24 Cf. J. Leclant, Cubic statue of a Memphis dignitary from the upper temple of Pepi I, Miscellanea in Honorem Josephi Vergote, OLP 6/7 (1975/1976), pp. 355–59, 3 figures, pl. XII–XIII; P. Vernus, RdE 28 (1976), pp. 137–38; C. Berger, "The Temple of Pepi I in the Middle Empire", in Saqqara, Les dossiers d'archéologie, 146-47 (March-April 1990), pp. 90-93; J. Leclant, "Service of the Libation Altar from the Upper Temple of Pepi I," Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim, II (Jerusalem, 1990), pp. 653–55 and Fig. p. 1118-1919; id., "A Dignitary of Happy Memphis in the Middle Kingdom: Ptah-ounenef," Mixes C. Aldred, forthcoming.


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Several places in the necropolis must have been still in use at that time, to which a specific cleric was assigned. Many 26 documents from this period testify to the custom of individuals, as a kind of ex-voto, to leave a monument with his name in a place dedicated to the funerary cult of the pharaoh of the 27th Empire, himself treated as equal to god. As we have suggested, perhaps not all of these monuments were created by private initiative; some seem to have been dedicated to one of their own by colleges of priests who were more closely associated with one or other of these monuments towards the end of the Twelfth Dynasty. Can this be understood, for example, two other documents found in the temple of Pepi I: a fragment of a cubic statuette made of black hard stone (figs. 2 and 3) or the invocation of figure 29, whose name has been lost, the image of the late King Isesi, still crowns at least seven columns of text, each beginning with "priest 30 ouab..." or even the base of the limestone figurine of the majordomo Seneb, listing eleven ouab priests in the slab of the monument (fig. 4)? Finally, an interesting niche lamp holder exhibited in the name of Séchénou, the main sculptor of the temple of Snefrou, can be compared with documents unearthed in the temple of Pepi I: on the reverse, four of the five records were followed by at least nine "ouab" priests and a priest-lector, presented standing up, making offerings to the deceased. In the Middle Kingdom there is a phenomenon of the cult of certain personalities. Perhaps earlier, references to Kagemni's 33rd imakh or the recently discovered 25th

See mainly Ahmed Fakhry, The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur, II, The Valley Temple, Part II: The Finds (Cairo, 1961). 26 Cf. for example J. Yoyotte, Pilgrimages in Ancient Egypt, Sources Orientales 3 (Paris 1960), p. 22. 27 On the formulas ¢tp d¡ nswt using the name of the “deified” pharaoh cf. HG Fischer, Egyptian Studies, I, Varia, MMA (New York, 1976), pp. 59–61, no. 6; J. Leclant, "The Dignitary of Happy Memphis in the Middle Empire: Ptah-ounenef," Mixtures Aldred, forthcoming, page 204, no. 23. 28 Height retained: 10.5 cm. MAFS Inventory: T 717. 29 For imakhou with a deceased Old or Middle Kingdom king, see G. Lapp, Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches (Mainz am Rhein, 1986), page 212, § 362; J. Leclant, Aldred Blends, in preparation, page 204, n.22; P. Munro, "Bemerkungen zur Datierung MĘÊJ'S", Tributes to Jean Leclant, I (Cairo, 1994), pp. 250.30 27cm x 21cm; retained height: 11.5 cm. MAFS Inventory: T 1324. 31 A. Fakhry, The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur, II, The Valley Temple, Part II: The Finds, pp. 63–69, figs. 385–389. See also pedestal #6, pgs. 53–55, figs. 350–353. 32 Cf. D. Wildung, Egyptian Saints, Deification in Pharaonic Egypt, (New York University Press, 1977); H. Goedicke, LA VI, 7 (1986), column 989–92, sv. "Wergottlichung".


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Jean Leclant and Catherine Berger, Religious Sisterhoods at Saqqara at the End of the Twelfth Dynasty?

Fig. 2 and 3. Fragment of a small cubic statuette from the upper temple of Pepi I in Saqqara (preserved height: 10.5 cm). Films J.-Fr. MAFS drop.


the imakhout of Inenek/Inti (one of Pepi I's wives) testify to the evolution of mentality; they bear witness to the types of popular cults dedicated to prominent figures who become advocates for posterity. Did the stela and the Neferhor sacrificial tablet come from the same process? But perhaps these monuments also allow us to see the existence of priestly brotherhoods, actually a religious association or simply a collective group. The Table of Sacrifices and the Stela of Neferhor show an evident concern for the veneration of the man responsible, in particular, for the distribution of divine sacrifice among the various Memphite temples. They also specifically explain the homage of two associations (or brotherhoods) of priests associated with the sanctuaries (one Pepi I, the other Pepi II). 33 Cf.

B Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries I (Cairo, 1926), p.130, but also with many other figures, at Saqqara or in the provinces. 34 Cf. C. Berger, Tribute to Jean Leclant, I (Cairo 1994), p.74, no. 7.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Homage would then be paid to one of their number who was deemed extraordinary enough to share in the prayers and offerings due to the pharaoh and dwell in perpetuity near the deified king. Let these comments on the Saqqara material be an expression of admiration and friendship for the scholar who contributed so much to a better understanding of the Middle Kingdom.


Fig. 4. Upper surface of the base of the Seneb figurine from the upper temple of Pepi I at Saqqara (27 x 21 cm; height: 11.5 cm). photo. J.-Fr. MAFS drop.


36 LEHNER Page 507 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:36 PM

Z500 Layered Pyramid and Zawiyet el-Aryan

when lehnera


It is with great pleasure that I dedicate this work to Professor William Kelly Simpson. Teacher. Simpson was one of the first Egyptologists I met in Egypt. At the time, I was an undergraduate student at the American University in Cairo. During one of my many visits to the Giza Plateau, I met prof. Simpson working on the epigraphy of Idu's tomb. Later, prof. Simpson became a supporter of my work in Giza and later my adviser at Yale University, where he patiently guided me through basic language skills and ancient Egyptian history. Among the many valuable lessons I have learned from Prof. Simpson, was that the materials recovered by George Reisner and the Harvard University Museum of Fine Arts Expedition to Egypt and Nubia are living records, not dead archives. I have the honor to dedicate to Prof. Simpson this attempt to shed light on an obscure site based on these records. Following the step pyramid of King Netjerykhet (Djoser) at Saqqara, the royal builders attempted to complete another step pyramid complex at Saqqara for Sekhemkhet, similar in shape and size to his predecessor, but failed. The Zawiyet elAryan Layered Pyramid is a third-tier pyramid complex that was built for a king whose identity is uncertain. There is no doubt that the layered pyramid was built shortly after the Sekhemkhet pyramid, because the substructures and the walls of the superstructures are very similar, although there are large uncertainties in the measurements of both described so far1. The layered pyramid is less well known and less documented than the Sekhemkhet complex. Lepsius (1848) visited the pyramid and gave it the number XIV.2 Barsanti excavated the substructure in 19003. Reisner and Fisher cleared more of the substructure and excavated the north and east sides of the pyramid and the cemeteries around it from December 1910 until May 1911 His publication of the pyramid itself was 1 J.P.

Lauer, Histoire monumentale des Pyramides d'Egypte 1 (El Cairo, 1962), s. 209–11. Lepsius, Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Texto 1, s. 128, Pyramid no. XIV. 3 A. Barsanti, "Ouverture de la pyramide de Zaouiét el-Aryan", ASAE 2 (1901), p. 92–94. 2 r.

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limited to a short article4. Maragioglio and Rinaldi5 point to serious discrepancies between the published architectural drawings of the pyramid and the dimensions given by Barsanti and Reisner. In 1978, 87-year-old Dows Dunham compiled a volume on the Egyptian expedition for Harvard-MFA. Nearby cemeteries from the Archaic period, the Third Dynasty, the New Kingdom and the Roman period. To date, no map showing the pyramid and its connection to the cemeteries has been published. Layered Pyramid Topography Since the context of this pyramid is so poorly published, I offer a topographic map of its location from the 1:5000 map series of the Cairo area (Fig. 1).7 The one-meter contours of this series allow us to clearly see the topographical context of the layered pyramid. The pyramid occupies a site about 7 km north of Saqqara. It is located about 113 m west of the escarpment rising 27 m above the floodplain. By choosing a location near the floodplain, the builders departed from the Netjerykhet and Sechemchet tendency to build in the desert. In this sense, the position of the layered pyramid is transitional to the Meidum pyramid, where the proximity of the alluvial plain allowed the pyramid to be connected with the pier and the temple in the valley by means of a causeway8. Is this an indication that the builders of the Layered Pyramid had already had it in mind to move away from the old rectangular enclosure in favor of the newer idea of ​​a smaller enclosure and eastern chapel and causeway?9

4 GA Reisner and CS Fisher, "The Work of Harvard University - Museum of Fine Arts

The Egyptian Expedition', BMFA 9 (1911), pp. 54–59. V. Maragioglio and C.A. Rinaldi, The Architecture of the Memphite Pyramid, Part 2: The Pyramid of Sechemket, The Pyramid Layer of the Aryan Empire and the Minor Pyramid Attributed to the III Dynasty (Turin, 1963), pp. 40, 43. 6 Dows Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan: cemeteries adjacent to a layered pyramid (Boston, 1978). 7 This series for the Cairo metropolitan area was plotted photogrammetrically from aerial photographs taken in 1977 for the Egyptian Ministry of Housing and Reconstruction. The layered pyramid is included on map sheet F19. For the making of this map, I selected the more modern buildings close to the pyramid. 8 Pyramids E1 and E2 already planned at earlier stages? 9 The main elements of the Djoser type pyramidal cover were to reappear in the history of the Egyptian pyramids. See D. Arnold, "The Labyrinth and Its Images", MDAIK 35 (1979), pp. 107-1 1-9; ídem, The Pyramid District of King's Amenhet III. in Dahschur 1: The Pyramid (Mainz am Rhein, 1987), p. 97–98. 5


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Dig. Fig. 1. Topographic map of Zawiyet el-Aryan and its surroundings based on aerial photographs from 1977.

Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Perring made the interesting observation that the rock facing the north front "has been removed so that a sloping approach has been formed from the plain below to the east." Not an easy route that the causeway could use to descend the escarpment descending 16m over a length of 68m, too steep for a causeway without building a long foundation ramp, creating a functional slope. As Maragioglio and Rinaldi11 noted, there is a more gradual slope through a narrow cut in the escarpment to the southeast of the pyramid, between spurs A and B. Although this is the traditional entry point into a Djoser-type pyramid enclosure,12 this slope is still too steep for a Meidum driveway. Like the fence at Sekhemkhet13, the layered pyramid extends along a long ridge that the builders may have intended to use to design a long rectangular terrace or fence oriented slightly from northwest to southeast. The ridge, defined by spurs H, the pyramid site, BB, CC, and D, forms a nearly continuous line oriented about 18° west of north. The pyramid is also oriented in this general direction, about 8° to 9° west of north (measured off the map). Clarence Fisher records in his notes (see below) that he made a “network of trenches” from the A branch to the E-NE and found no evidence of walls that could form a fence14. Directly below the southwest corner of the pyramid, the builders may have used the steeper edge of another wadi as a quarry. But this depression comes very close to the pyramid, and it is hard to imagine a location for the southern end of a long fence like those at Netjerykhet and Sekhemkhet. To the northwest of the pyramid, the natural ridge slopes gently and broadly to the north (in the upper right corner of the map, Fig. 1). This can be compared to Saqqara, where the broad slopes of the wadi stretch from the ancient basin of Lake Abu Sir at the edge of the floodplain to the area of ​​the royal enclosures of Netjerykhet, Sekhemkhet, the royal underground tombs of the Second Gallery of the Dynasty, and the great rectangular enclosures to the west.15

10 JS

Perring, The Pyramids of Giseh 3 (London, 1842), pl. IV, p. 4. and Rinaldi, Architecture 2, p. 45. 12 See footnote 9. 13 Maragioglio and Rinaldi, Architecture 2, page 12; Architecture 2, Supplements, Obs. 1 bis 14 MFA Record Box 2, Diary of the Place II, pp. 10-1 51, 68. 11 Maragioglio


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Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid

Z500: The Published Record The pyramid and its substructure have already been described based on what was reported from the original fieldwork.16 It is generally accepted that the pyramid and its enclosure were never completed. The substructure was also left unfinished and was probably never used for a royal burial. Lauer suggested that the work stopped with the premature death of the king and the possible total loss of his body 17. The only clue to the identity of the king for whom the pyramid was begun is the name of Horus, Khaba, carved into the stone bowls that formed part of the alabaster, limestone and hardstone deposit of "Mastaba Z500" north of the pyramid.18 Z500 is the only Third Dynasty tomb to mention tombs from nearby cemeteries in Dunham's publication. This gives the impression that Z500 is the only significant Third Dynasty tomb in the vicinity of the Layered Pyramid, although Reisner and Fisher mention "four large adobe mastabas typical of the late Third Dynasty". Dunham notes that the Z500 is oriented east-west, however a photograph he posted20 shows that it is, in fact, oriented north-south. He published four entries from Fisher's journals as "the only journal entries on this building and its contents". divided by transverse walls of mud, below which are walls of rubble; there are no axes. February 6, 1911. The mastaba seems to come from two eras. The external adobe cladding, like the transversal walls, are reconstructions supported on rubble. Within these and below some of the cross walls are walls of rather crude construction, which have not yet been thoroughly cleared. East of Northeast 15 D. Jeffreys and A. Tavares, "The Historic Landscape of Early Dynastic Memphis," MDAIK 50 (1994), pp. 150–51. “The location of the late Second Dynasty gallery does not necessarily indicate a change of the necropolis as a whole, but it points to a new type of royal site, further out in the desert but just as, if not more, visible from the perspective from the Abusiru Valley. It was not so much a "new royal site" as the relocation of the royal tomb to Saqqara. At Abydos, the royal tombs were far out in the desert at Umm elQa™ab until the 1st Dynasty. 16 Barsanti, ASAE 2, page 94; G. A. Reisner, The Development of the Egyptian Tomb Up to the Accession of Khufu (Cambridge, MA, 1936), pp. 134–36; Lauer, Histoire monumentale 1, pp. 208–11; Maragioglio and Rinaldi, L'Architettura 2, pp. 40–49. Looking through the MFA records for this article, I saw several photographs of the layered pyramidal substructure. Fisher cleared at least the east stairway, the north shaft, and the north hallways again. Unpublished substructure information may well be collected from these records. 17 Lauer, Histoire monumentale 1, page 209. 18 Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan, pages 29–34. 19 Reisner and Fisher, BMFA 9, page 59. 20 Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan, fig. A, page XII. 21 Ibid., p. 29.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

the corner of the mastaba is a large rock-cut pit that was never completed, sunk to only two meters deep22.

The other two entries, dated April 16, 1911, and May 11 and 12, 1911, refer to the removal of stone vessels from Z500, without additional information about the construction of the tomb and its location. The absence of any definite substructure associated with Z500, the fact that it appeared to be the only Third Dynasty mastaba associated with the Third Dynasty pyramid, the report of its east-west orientation, and the serekhs in five bowls throughout the deposit of stone vessels. led Nabil Swelim to suspect that Z500 is the beginning of the northern chapel or temple of the Layered Pyramid23. This also seemed likely to me, especially after preparing the map in Fig. 1. My first impression from the published photo24 was that Z500 was near the north side of the pyramid and near its central axis, north of the vertical entry axis25 . The "rather crudely constructed" lower cross walls could be understood as the type of rubble-filled cross walls found in the dwellings of Sekhemkhet26 and Netjerykhet27, where they were used to build massifs and terraces. The lower transverse walls could therefore form the beginning of a terrace to level the ridge and prepare the enclosure that extends to the north of the pyramid. Tombs and Topography: An Unpublished Record Although never compiled, Fisher collected data for the Z500 map and other tombs at Zawiyet el-Aryan, which would show their location in relation to the pyramid.28 The data consists of a large graph of the points of Fisher's measurement from which he took compass measurements of distances, lists these measurements, and separate sketch maps of individual tombs and groups of tombs. He will spend more time graphing this data and studying the excavation records. Except 22 ibid. 23 nabil

Swelim, Some Problems Concerning the History of the Third Dynasty (Alexandria, 1983), pp. 78, 96; R. Stadelmann, Die ägyptischen Pyramiden (Mainz am Rhein, 1985), page 77. 24 Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan, fig. A, page XII. 25 During a visit to the site in February 1995, he learned that the area immediately to the north of the Layered Pyramid is enclosed by a recently constructed wall to enclose modern government facilities. 26 M.Z. Goneim, Horus Sekhemkhet. Unfinished Step Pyramid at Saqqara 1 (Cairo, 1957), page 1. 27 JP Lauer, La pyramide à degrés 1 (Cairo, 1936), pages 206–208. 28 Thanks to Rita Freed and Peter Lacovara for their generous help using the MFA files, and to Peter Der Manuelian for helping to illustrate the article. 29 Box HH 8. Peter Lacovara informed me that he found a plot of survey points while rearranging the collections in the winery. The map was temporarily lost while Dunham prepared its publication. So Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan, p.ix.


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Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid

Dig. 2. Fisher's sketch of Zawiyet el-Aryan, December 20, 1910, from Journal II, page 51.

data, the files include Fisher's journals and his small pocket notebook (referred to in the files as the "Red Note Book")30. They contain sketches and map plans that can be compared to the contour map of the site (fig. 1). ) to clarify the position of the Z500 in relation to the layer pyramid. Early in the work, Reisner and Fisher gave letter designations to the spurs to the south and east of the pyramid. Figure 2 is from Fisher's sketch of December 20, 1910.31 Lines "x" and "y" trace the area of ​​his initial test excavations from spur A to the east side of the layered pyramid. The "Tomb" marked with the letter "G" is probably the vertical axis of the pyramid substructure. By January 5, Fisher had also lettered the northern foothills and mounds, where he had excavated the graves at B and C, as shown in Fig. 3, his next sketched plan of the site32. Since in later notes Fisher repeated the letter B, which referred to the spur to the southeast of the pyramid and to the northwest, I gave the latter the designation BB (Fig. 1). Similarly, Reisner originally designated the area immediately to the northeast of the pyramid as C, which he also used to refer to the semicircular hill to the north, which I called CC. Fisher marked out a flat T-shaped terrace to the north and east of the pyramid. thirty

Box 2. Diary II is titled: “Giza, Mesaeed, March 29 to May 2, 1910; Zawiyet el-Aryan, December 18, 1910 to February 11, 1911". Box HH 12 contains a compilation of excerpts from typewritten journals and notebooks (called the "Cropped Journal") relating to the Z500. Box HH 11 contains the typescript of the Red Notebook transcript.Tomb letters are kept separately.

31 Daily 32 Daily

2, lane. 51. II, art. 68


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Understanding the general development of cemeteries requires careful reading of the records and the survey data table. In his diary for March 24, 1911, Fisher noted the following pattern: We already had our graves in the N. with the names of the 1st Dynasty, the 2nd Dynasty group in the north. ws., Roman tombs to the east. Now in the remaining (?) we operate to the south, we have the XVIII Dyn. cemetery 33

Dunham cites Reisner's unpublished statement: The excavations at Zawiyet el-Aryan covered three periods. There were three cemeteries from three successive dynasties (I-III). Although the three cemeteries were in the same district to the north and east of the pyramid, they differed markedly in location, types of tombs, and types of funerary furniture. . . . To the south and southwest of the pyramid was a large New Kingdom burial ground, and to the southeast were several late Roman tombs.

The initial design for this part of Zawiyet el-Aryan, a three-tiered dynasty pyramid located southwest of the Archean cemetery that developed along the northern edge of the plateau, bears some resemblance to Saqqara, where the tombs are located. royals of the Second Dynasty and Netjerykhet. they are located southwest of the Archaic period cemetery, along the northern escarpment. Z500: Unpublished Record A review of records from the Harvard-MFA Expedition's work at Zawiyet el-Aryan confirms that Z500 is a self-supporting mastaba tomb at the northern end of the ridge. The first mention of the Z500 Mastaba appears in an entry in the Red Notebook (Fisher's pocket notebook) on January 5th. Fisher made a rough sketch of mounds B, C, and D, showing a "long adobe wall" between C and D. The note reads: Only 3 graves in the C.N. wing of the mound do not contain graves. To the east of the mound is a square rock pit and to the north is a long adobe wall. In line with this wall and Hill C is another Hill D, the end of the series. 33 Diary

3, calle. 30–31.

34 Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan, p.iii; see also Reisner, Development of the Egyptian tomb,

p. 136.


Dig. 3. Fisher's sketch of mounds B, C, and D at Zawiyet el-Aryan, January 5, 1911, from Journal II, page 68.

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Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid

The wall is shown in a sketch that Fisher drew in his journal of the same day (Fig. 3). It turned out to be the west face of the Z500. The next thing we hear about the mastaba is a diary entry from Fisher just before February 4, one of the few Z500 entries Dunham did not include in his post, perhaps because it was omitted from the "Cut Diary" sheet of material. "of Z500. : Currently (?) work has begun on the adobe mastaba located between hills C and D (cf. draft plan on page II. 68; January 5 [fig. 3 here]), part of the W. wall found in early January. There are 8 to 11 layers of mud bricks in situ that rest on the rubble rather than the rock surface. The layers are arranged like heads and stretchers, all in a row are arranged in the same way, but the layers do not change regularly.35

Next is the entry in the Red Notebook for February 4, which is the first of Dunham's passages (see above) on partitions. Dunham erred in placing the reference to the Zawiyeh pyramid in parentheses after "Mound C" in this passage. "Mound C" refers to a natural hill (C in Fig. 3 = CC in Fig. 1) and not a pyramid. Fisher wrote another journal entry about the Z500 on February 4, perhaps at night after working all day. This entry included a sketch of the plan of the mastaba's superstructure (fig. 4): All three sides of the mastaba between C and D are now exposed. Inside are two square rock pits, both completely empty. There are brick cross walls that divide the mastaba into smaller chambers. The exterior walls have a thickness of 1.10 m36

Dig. 4. Fisher's sketch plan of superstructure mastaba Z500, February 4, 1911, from Journal II, page 95.

Just below the sketch plan is a journal entry for February 6, which is the second of Dunham's passages cited above regarding the supposed two construction periods. The fact that the mastaba is divided by transverse walls into at least two smaller chambers, each with its own shaft, may indicate that it is a multiple of 35 Diario 36 Diario

2, lane. 94. II, art. 95.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

tomb, similar to others found by Fisher on Cerro B (Fig. 3). The south shaft with mud bricks around the edge is visible in a photograph posted by Dunham37. Based on the information so far, we can make a preliminary graph of the size and location of the Z500 (Fig. 1). It was between Hills C and D. The photograph suggests that it had the same general north-south (or north-northwest) orientation as the pyramid. So far I have not found any dimensions of the superstructure.38 Based on the estimate of the height of the tripod in the published photograph and the derived length of the nearest south side, a rough estimate of the size is 8.6 x 11, 5m. assuming Fisher's sketch (Fig. 4) was approximately proportional, with exterior walls 1.10 m thick, the mastaba would have been approximately 7.48 x 17.6 m (about the size of Fig. 1). Fisher's red notebook indicates that, as the season progressed, he unearthed several large mastabas at the north end of Area T (Figure 1). In the survey notes are sketches of a large mastaba niche near the edge of the escarpment. By mid-February, Fisher and Reisner had changed the tomb numbering system at Zawiyet el-Aryan. Those on spur A were numbered 1 to 79, those on hill B (BB in Fig. 1) were numbered 80 to 89, and those on hill C (CC) were numbered 90 to 100. principales" on Terrace T were numbered 101 onwards.39 The journal entry for April 16, taken in part by Dunham,40 refers to the stone vessels that were removed from Z500. The full entry highlights the unfinished state of many ships and the disrepair of other ships, including those with the Khaba serekh: The Great Mud Mastaba, number 500, is still producing fragments. They are brought home and assembled as soon as possible. There are many solid pieces of well-worn alabaster, some cylindrical in shape, with rough edges and a central body just begun. Others are simply truncated cones. There are several offering tables, three with low supports or attached bases, the rest are just large discs. The best piece is saccharin alabaster, intense orange color and 51 cm. diameter. A series of bowls, flat rims in coarse unpolished alabaster with broad stripes in pink and white, large shallow plates in light translucent alabaster, and various diorite bowls and plates. The best specimens are four or five greenish-veined white(?) limestone slabs (perhaps porphyry, as they are quite weathered) with the names of Horus on each like this: the bird on the panel is an ibis with a long beak and legs. When we complete the tomb and have all 37 Dunhams,

Zawiyet el-Aryan, Fig. A, page XII. After briefly reviewing notes and sketches, Z500 ("Mastaba 3") appears in sketches of groups of tombs in the area. There may be compasses and distance measurements to better determine its size and location. 39 Diary II, pgs. 76–77. 40 Dunham, Zawiyet el-Aryan, pp. 29. 38


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Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid

Dig. 5a. Fisher's Red Notebook sketch of the Z500 mastaba substructure, April 21, 1911.

pieces, I can more accurately determine the number of pieces. But there will be many pieces that can never be put together.41

In his entries in the Red Notebook for April 21, Fisher made some brief notes (for example, "skull", "faience pendant") under successive headings 506 to 510, apparently for the graves at the north end of Terrace T its former designation "Mastaba 3", i.e. a sketch of its foundation (here Fig. 5a, redrawn in the machine record as in Fig. 5b). This is consistent with the written description of the substructure in Fisher's diary for April 19: Work has already been completed along the terrace, including the mastabas and several rock pits, none of which contain anything. . . . Mastaba 500 is almost finished. From the entrance shaft, which is at the southern end, there is a short passage leading to W. There is a small chamber next to the door on the right. The corridor continues for a few meters and then forks until it reaches Diario S. 41

III, typescript, page 32.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Dig. 5b. Redrawing Fig. 5a of the written diary.

it leads (around the corner) to a small chamber, to the north of reaching a well with a depth of 5.00 m, from the bottom of which a short passage leads to the west. There is no main camera. There is no coffin and no trace of funerary remains. Slightly N. E. than Tai (?) he came upon another large rock shaft with a cave from which fragments of alabaster and diorite protrude. Detail of a tablet with the same name of Horus as those of nº 500.42

It is unclear if the entrance shaft is the southern of the two that Fisher had previously sketched (Fig. 4) and described as "completely empty", or if it is a new shaft found later. It is worth noting the state of weathering of the vessels with the name of Chaba and the fact that the fragment with this name came from another well. Here's the entry for April 22: The contents of Mastaba No. 500 can now be said to be: 18 alabaster cylinders 6" tables and discs 30" bowls 5" plates 45" blocks, rough 10 bowls Diorite 3 Porphyry Plates and Bowls 1 7 Diorite Squatting Table Pots 42 Journal


3, calle. 76–77.

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Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid

5 tablets with porphyry (?) inscriptions. There are also many fragments that can fit into pieces already arranged or belong to other shapes43.

Notes and draft plans for three other large substructures in tombs 505, 511, and 513 are in Fisher's Red Notebook for April 26. These may be, along with the Z500, “four large adobe mastabas typical of the late Third Dynasty” mentioned by Reisner and Fisher in their article in the Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts44. The large mastaba niche near the edge of the escarpment, shown in the survey data sketches, may belong to one of these substructures. However, substructure 511 contained many burials, and the Red Notebook notes and sketches on the contents of this tomb, as well as the contents of substructure 513, suggest at least the possibility of reuse during the New Kingdom or Roman period. At the end of the red notebook is the latest information on the Z500. Fisher made a sketch of the plan of a simple niche (Fig. 6) marked "500". The line in front of the niche shows the platform -probably formed by cross-sectional walls of rough masonry and the aforementioned rubble- on which the mastaba was built. Below this sketch is the inscription "Marad Bucket" (one of the workers?), and next to the sketch on the facade is a "fine red" bowl. Fisher underlined the rim with a thick, dark line so that it could be interpreted as a black stripe as on early New Kingdom bowls. But it is probably some kind of round-bottomed bowl with an upturned rim from the early Old Kingdom45. The pot was found upside down in front of the hole, which is circled in the sketch. On the next page (fig. 6) are sketches of successive jug fragments and a carved bowl from the Old Kingdom. Fisher's "500/From Mastaba 3" label ensures that both designations refer to the same mastaba. This depression is shown in photograph C 1968 with an inverted pot in front. The platform of the mastaba can be seen, as well as the eroded brick masonry of the niche. The photograph is titled “Mastaba: third niche on N. face, ≥noon [noon], C 1968, April 18, 1911” (see Fig. 7). C 1968 is pasted on a sheet of paper in a box with photographs collected from Zawiyet el-Aryan. Next to C 1968 is a photograph of C 1975 of the same date, showing the top of a primitive shaft blocked by a large rounded boulder. On the right can be seen the rough wall of the platform of foundation of the mastaba.The label reads "below, this plate (or thin?)" with 43 Diary

III, pp. 77–78. and Fisher, BMFA 9, page 59. 45 Reisner type C-LXVIb; GA Reisner and W.S. Smith, A History of the Giza Necropolis 2: The Tomb of Hetep-heres, the Mother of Cheops (Cambridge, MA, 1955), page 83, fig. 116. Thanks to Peter Lacovara for drawing my attention to this. 44 Reisner


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Dig. Fig. 6. Sketch from Fisher's red notebook showing the simple niche of the Z500 mastaba, April 26, 1911.


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Mark Lehner, Z500 and Zawiyet el-Aryan layered pyramid

Dig. Fig. 7. Mastaba Z500, third niche in the north wall, looking south, April 18, 1911 (MFA Expedition negative C 1968).

arrow pointing to the photograph just below the empty shaft and the tunnel leading to the side. It must be a Z500 input shaft, as described in the note excerpts above. Conclusion It is true that Z500 is a mastaba niche tomb and not the beginning of the Layered Pyramid Funeral Chapel. This may not lessen the possibility that the Layered Pyramid was built for King Khaba. Given the impression that the pyramid was not used for burial46, it can be speculated that Khaba was buried in Z500, one of the few northern mastabas of his time at Zawiyet el-Aryan. More certain, however, are the examples of stone vessels inscribed with royal names found in non-royal tombs. Among other examples known to him, Reisner included ships with Chaba inscriptions of Z500 in this class, assuming the engraved names belonged to reigning kings who gave ships to their subordinates. As he himself pointed out, when in the royal mortuary temples there are stone vessels with inscriptions among other stone vessels, the actual names come from before46

Reisner, The Development of the Egyptian Tomb, page 136; Lauer, Monumental History 1, p.209.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

the heirs of the king for whom the temple was built, such as the examples of vessels from the pyramid temples of Chefren, Menkaure, Sahure, Neferirkare, Niuserre47 and the predominance of vessels inscribed with royal names from the huge storehouse found at Netjerykhet Step Pyramid.48 Thus, the inscribed vessels from substructure Z500 and perhaps from the shaft northeast of Z500 could have been gifts to the owner of this king's mastaba for whom the Layered Pyramid was being built, with one caveat: there is no evidence of any burial in Z500. Another issue of concern is the unfinished, broken, and worn state of some of the vessels, making the objects worth reexamining. Further discussion of the role of royal stone vessel production and recycling should be moved to another forum. The discussion of Zawiyet el-Aryan as an example of a royal pyramid complex built near or subservient to an older burial ground should also be retained for future reference, after the excavation mapping of the Harvard University - Museum of Fine Zawiyet el-Aryan arts. .


47 GA Reisner, Micerine. The Temples of the Third Pyramid of Giza (Cambridge, MA, 1931), p. 102–103, 179. 48 P. Lacau and J.P. Lauer, The Step Pyramid 4: carved inscriptions on vases, 2 notebooks (Cairo, 1959-1961).


37 LEPROHON Page 523 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:40 PM

Stela from the late Middle Kingdom in a private collection

Ronald J. Leprohon


With sincere respect and gratitude, I dedicate this short article to William Kelly Simpson, who was not only very kind to me for many years, but also gave me the opportunity to study the stele at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston many years ago. Therefore, I thought it appropriate to offer him a study of the new stela in the volume presented in his honor. During a visit to the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto, I was shown a stela belonging to a private collector. I would like to thank the owner of the stele, who wishes to remain anonymous, for permission to publish the work, and prof. N.B. Millet, curator of the Egyptian section of the Royal Ontario Museum, for bringing the stela to my attention (see Figure 1-2).

Description The rectangular limestone stela is generally in good condition; the surface has been carefully prepared and is smooth and even. There are some chips in the top left corner and a crack has been repaired in the bottom left near the owner's chair and legs and feet. Parts of the stela were covered with plaster in modern times. The colors red, black, blue, green and yellow are visible. The design and hieroglyphics are made in relief. The actual stone measures 57.2 cm by 41.5 cm and is 4.4 cm thick. However, the dimensions of the project itself deserve attention. The entire representation from the top of the kheker frieze to the lower horizontal frame, engraved and painted below the 2 figures, measures 52 cm, i.e. one cubit, while the distance below the kheker frieze and the bottom of the lower frame is 44.7 cm, 1 photo

by A. Hollet, Royal Ontario Museum; drawing by BE Ibronya.

2 The unusual length of the stela; see the remarks of William Kelly Simpson, "The Stew-

ard Iey's Son Anhurhotpe in Vienna (Stela Inv. 90) and Reisner Papyri," SAK 11 (1984), p. 161. On the elbow and its divisions, see Susan K. Doll, the Golden Age of Egypt. The Art of Living in the New Kingdom, 1558–1085 BC (Boston, 1982), page 59 and references therein.

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson


photo. 1. Stele from the Late Middle Ages in a private collection. Photo by A. Hollet.

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Ronald J. Leprohon, Late Middle Kingdom stele in private collection

photo. 2. Stele from the Late Middle Ages in a private collection. Drawing by BE Ibronya.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

what is a short cubit (6 spans); the kheker frieze itself measures 7.4 cm, or 1 palm; the first two registers of the text measure 3.4 cm, and the last 3 two measure 3.5 cm, which is the short span of 2 fingers; and the lower stage with the figures measures 26.2 cm, or nearly half a cubit. The kheker frieze at the top, whose circular bindings are painted red, is outlined in black. Below, framing the top and sides of the representation, is a border of colored rectangles painted red, except for rectangle 4 in the upper right corner, which is blue. The incised horizontal lines framing this design show traces of blue paint in the incisions, while the short vertical incised lines separating the red rectangles are black. Below are four horizontal registers of text. The background of this episode contains traces of yellow, while individual signs are painted green, most of which are preserved. The notched notches dividing the four text registers are black. The text, in the usual correct orientation, consists of two sacrificial formulas and an additional signature. They read: 6

(1) The sacrifice the king makes (to) Osiris, the lord of Ankh-tawa, so that he may make invocation offerings of [bread] and beer, oxen and fowl, alabaster (vessels) and cloth, (2) incense and oil, and all that is good and pure, what god lives from 8, (3) for 9 the spirit of the Soldier of the Ankh-ib City Regiment, born of Dedet-Nebu, the true voice. (4) The sacrifice that the king makes (for) Osiris, lord, by the spirit of the revived 10th Commander-in-Chief of the Local Regiment Sa-Montu, 11th born of It-en-itef.


the finger measures 3.8 cm. It is easy to imagine a craftsman with a wooden elbow bar that has incised and even painted markers of various dimensions; the quick marks on the stone next to him can give short or long measurements, depending on the width of the marks on his elbow bar. 4 The rectangle in the upper left corner has no trace of paint today. 5 The only exception is the last part of the name It-en-itef, where, because the background color was not made yellow under the text record, the n-¡t≠f part of the name appears blue. 6 On this epithet see especially Hartwig Altenmüller, LĘI (Wiesbaden, 1973), cols. 266-67; Joachim Spiegel, Die Götter von Abydos: Studien zum ägyptischen Synkretismus (Wiesbaden, 1973), pages 16 to 23 and a convenient list of references on page 174. 7 The stone surface to the right of the prt-∞rw group in the that the hieroglyph may have been carved into a loaf of bread, it is chipped and has been repaired with plaster in modern times. 8 classification,

PN I, 62:23. PN I, 403:14. 10 Ranke, PN I, 282:7. 11 Ranke, PN I, 50:21. 9 degrees,


37 LEPROHON Page 527 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:40 PM

Ronald J. Leprohon, Late Middle Kingdom stele in private collection

And before the seated man: 12

A soldier of the Municipal Regiment 13, the royal voice of Sa-Mont, (2) born from the royal voice of Ibi.

Below is a scene in which three people are shown. To the left is a seated figure of a man looking to the right. He wears a short wig that reveals his ears, the insides of which are outlined in blue. His face is outlined in red, while his small beard, eyebrow, and eye contour are black; there is also red paint on the corner and lower inner edge of the eye. His collar is green and his skin is outlined in red. He wears a short kilt that is also marked in red. His right hand is extended towards the offering table in front of him, and his left hand is holding a lotus flower up to his nose; the flower is outlined in blue and the stem is also blue. He sits in a low-backed chair; His seat and cushion are marked red, while the animal's legs, which are painted black, rest on frustoconical limestone supports15, marked red. Beneath the chair is a tall alabaster jug ​​painted red, with a black cord seal on top. In front of him there is an offering table outlined in red and placed, from bottom to top and from left to right, a conical and round loaf of bread, a calf's head, a red calf's leg, ribs, leeks and a painted bread blue. Fig. With the exception of a fig and a leg of beef, all the victims are marked in red, with details in black. Two tall jars, painted red, stand on shelves below the table, except for the clay cones on top, which show diagonal incised stripes painted black; the seal on the left does not cover the rim of the jar. Two figures to the right. At the top sits a woman facing left, with one knee raised. Her left arm rests on her knee while her right holds a blue lotus flower to her nose. She wears a long black wig that shows the outline of her shoulders and arms, has a green collar, and is outlined in red. 12 rank,

PN I, 20:7. two proper feminine forms of the adjective "true" for feminine nouns. 14 On the lotus flower motif and its connotations with rebirth, vid. especially Philippe Derchain, "Le lotus, la mandragore et le perséa", CoE 50 (1975), pp. 65–86; Michel Malaise, La position de la femme sur les steles du Moyen Empire, SAK 5 (1977), pp. 189–91; and Gay Robins, "Problems in the Interpretation of Egyptian Art," DE 17 (1990), pp. 50–51. 15 On this subject, vid. Edward Brovarski, "A Stela from the First Intermediate Period of Naga-edDêr", Medelhavsmuseet Bulletin 18 (1983), page 5. 13 Note

16 uses

a slit for the eyes, as opposed to the more common open-eyed pattern; cf. Stelae CG 20054 and 20737 and MFA 72.768 (= Ronald J. Leprohon, CAA MFA Boston 2 Stelae 1 [Mainz, 1985], p. 2.8) for similar calf ocular procedures. 17 Interestingly, the outline of the woman's raised leg can also be seen through the dress.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

In the lower right corner is a servant, facing left. His hair is short, his skin is red and he wears a stiff kilt that sticks out and is outlined in red. Both of his hands are raised toward the owner of the stela, and his right hand holds a tall red-painted alabaster jar with a black sealing cord. The black baseline in the form of a servant and sacrifices probably represents a checkmate. The entire scene is delimited from below by a red stripe at the top and a yellow stripe at the bottom, whose incised framing lines are black. Comment Dating The pattern at the top of the stela helps date the work to the late Middle Kingdom, as the kheker frieze is typical of a late 18th or early 13th Dynasty stela. Some iconographic details also place the stela in the late Middle Kingdom period: a male wig with exposed ears is most common during the 19th reign of Amenemhat III and IV; the motif of a man smelling a lotus flower first appears during the reign of Amenemhat II, but reaches its greatest popularity during the reign of Amenemhat III; and the woman shown squatting, with one knee raised, is found mainly during the reign of 21 Amenemhat III. Bid formula terminology also points to the same date. Significant features are the introductory phrase written in the Middle Kingdom standard 22 but before the 14th Dynasty fashion; 23 writing the divine name Osiris without specifying it and with 24 25 a line under the eye; epithet nb ™n∞ for Osiris; the verb d¡≠f 26 in the sentence d¡≠f prt-∞rw, "to give (to the victims of the call);" 27 inverted hoe in mr¢t; and the epithet w¢m-™n∞ referred to the deceased, a term that first appears in 28 Sinai inscriptions during the reign of Amenemhat III. These criteria suggest a date. 116; see also Fitzwilliam Stela E.207 (= Janine Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals. Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom [Cambridge, 1988], cat. no. 39, p. 50), from the reign of Amenemhat III. 19 Rita E. Freed, "Representation and Style of Dated Twelfth Dynasty Private Stelas" (MA thesis, New York University, 1976), p. 59. 20 Ibid., p. 47. 21 Ibid., p. 45. 22 Paul C. Smither, "The Writing of ¢tp-d¡-nsw in the Middle and New Kingdoms," JEA 25 (1939), pp. 34–37; Gloria Rosati, "Note e post per la datazione delle stele del Medio Regno", Or Ant 19 (1980), p. 271. 23 C.J.C. Bennett, "Growth of the ¢tp-d¡-nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom," JEA 27 (1941), pp. 27–28.


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Ronald J. Leprohon, Late Middle Kingdom stele in private collection

the earliest during the reign of Amenemhat III, and possibly as late as the early 13th Dynasty. Origin 29 Given the use of the epithet Lord of Ankhtawa for Osiris, and the fact that so many late Middle Kingdom stelae come from Abydos, our stele is probably from Abydos. Titles The two titles ™n∞nn¡wt, "Soldier of the Municipal Regiment" and £†w ™£(n)n¡wt, "Supreme Commander of the Local Regiment", are 30 well-known military terms. The classification between the two titles explains the complete cursus honorum of the famous Khu-(wi)-Sobek of the 24th century.

same letter, cf. stelae Rio de Janeiro 2435 (= Kenneth A. Kitchen, Catalog of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro [Warminster, 1988], reference number 1); Bologna KS 1904 (= Edda Bresciani, Le stele egiziane del Museo Civico Archaeologico di Bologna [Bologna, 1985], cat. no. 3); Stuttgart No. 11 (= W. Spiegelberg and B. Pörtner, Egyptian Tombstones and Memorial Tablets from the South German Collections 1 [Strasbourg, 1902], pl. 7); and Vienna ÄS 111, 152 and 160 (= respectively Irmgard Hein and Helmut Satzinger, CAA Wien 7. Stelen des Mittleren Reiches 2 [Mainz, 1993], pp. 7.49, 7.75 and 7.86), all from Amenemhat III or later. 25 CJC Bennett, op.cit., pp. 80-81; idem, "Motifs and Phrases on Late Middle Kingdom Tomb Stelae", JEA 44 (1958), p.121; Winfried Barta, The structure and meaning of the ancient Egyptian sacrificial formula (Glückstadt, 1968), page 74; Joachim Spiegel, op.cit., pp. 17, 21; Janine Bourriau, op.cit., p. 48. Cf. also Vienna ÄS 97, 103 and 115 (= Irmgard Hein and Helmut Satzinger, CAA Wien 4. Stelen des Mittleren Reichs 1 [Mainz, 1989], p. 4, 8, 4.12 and 4.32 respectively), all from late from the 12th or early 13th dynasty. 26 CJC Bennett, JEA 27 (1941), pp. 77-78, where the examples become more numerous towards the end of the Twelfth Dynasty. 27 Not uncommon epigraphic irregularity on stelae from the late Middle Kingdom. See stelae BM 827 (= BM Stelae II:30) and UC 14416 (= H.M. Stewart, Egyptian Stelae, Reliefs and Paintings from the Petrie Collection. Part 2 [Warminster, 1979], pl. 26:4) for the same anomaly. , 17–22, on the Oslo stele EM 2383. 28 Cf. references by Oleg D. Berlev, review by H.M. Stewart, Egyptian stelae, reliefs, and paintings from the Petrie Collection. Part 2, in Bi Or 38 (1981), p. 319 and Gloria Rosati, op. cit., p. 277, to which are added the Vienna Stelae ÄS 133, 191 (= Hein and Satzinger, CAA Vienna 4. Middle Kingdom Stelae 1, pp. 4.39, 4145), ÄS 160 (= idem, CAA Vienna 7. Stelae of the Middle Kingdom 2, pp. 7.86) and BM 238 (= BM Stelae III:15), all from the late 12th century. or early 13th Dynasty. 29 Joachim Spiegel, op.cit., p.17; Janine Bourriau, op.cit., page 48. 30 Cf. Oleg D. Berlev, "Les prétendus "citadins" au Moyen Empire", RdE 23 (1971), pages 23–48; Saphinaz-Amal Naguib, op.cit., p.17, no.3; William A. Ward, Index to Egyptian Administrative and Religious Titles in the Middle Kingdom (Beirut 1982), No. 695, page 84; Detlef Franke, “Stel inv. No. 4405 in the Oldenburg State Museum. On Food Production in the Thirteenth Dynasty”, SAK 10 (1983), pp. 167–68; Stephen Quirke, "Late Middle Kingdom Common Titles," RdE 37 (1986), p. 122, no. 604; and Pierre-Marie Chevereau, "Contribution à la prosopographie des cadres militaires du Moyen Empire", RdE 42 (1991), pp. 64–68.


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late twelfth dynasty as detailed in their various inscriptions. These 32 claim that he was promoted from simple ™ ¢ £ wty, "private", to ßmsw n ¢ q £, "ruler's bodyguard" and s ¢ ∂ ßmsw, "watch supervisor"; then to £†w ™£n¡wt, "commander-in-chief of local regiment", which is the last title bestowed on his Manchester stela and the only valid title given on stela BM 1213; finally £†w n †t ¢q£, "The Commander of the Lord's Crew", a title found only in his graffiti 33 from Semna, when Khu-(wi)-Sobek must have been old. From this list, and despite the fact that Khu-(wi)-Sobek 34 never seems to be ™n∞nn¡wt, it seems clear that £†w ™£nn¡wt ranks higher. Therefore, £†w ™£ (n) n¡wt Sa-montu of the present stela outranked the simple ™n∞ nn¡wt Ankh-ib. Personal data So far, the search for the two men has been unsuccessful. One possible identification is another ™n∞ nn¡wt called Ankh-ib found on Stela 35 Geneva D 51. Unfortunately, the Ankh-ib on the Geneva stela has no relationship to support a definitive identification with our Ankh-ib. , and its position in the Guinevere piece, in the lower left corner, away from most of the figures on the stela, makes it difficult to establish one's relationship with the group of people named on the stela. Another possible connection between our stele and Guinevere D 51 is that the latter belongs to a man named Iri-nefer, who is a priest of Montu. Since the priests of a given deity probably begged that particular deity to bear children, it is possible, though not provable, that our £†w™£(n)n¡wt Sa36 Montu may also belong to this extended family. Stela ownership presents several problems. The fact that Stela 37 is dedicated to two people is not unusual in itself. However, the order of the two men in the text is striking. The first and most elaborate offering formula is dedicated to ™n∞ nn¡wt Ankhib, but the second person mentioned, Sa-Montu, is thus not only called 31

For a complete bibliography, vid. Detlef Franke, Personal Data from the Middle Kingdom (Wiesbaden, 1984), File No. 455; Pierre-Marie Chevereau, Op. cit., p. 66, no. 172. 32

A title of lower rank than TMn∞ nn¡wt; see Stephen Quirke, The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom (New Malden, 1990), page 192. 33 R.I.S. 1 (= Dows Dunham and Joseph M.A. Janssen, Semna Kumma. Second Cataract Fortress 1 [Boston, 1960], p. 131). 34 Against Svetlana I. Hodjash and Oleg D. Berlev, "Several Stelas of the Middle Kingdom in the Moscow Museum of Fine Arts," AoF 3 (1975), page 10. 35 A. Wiedemann and B. Pörtner, Aegyptische Grabsteine and Thoughts from Various Collections (Strasbourg, 1906), pl. 3. 36 Cf. two persons named Montu-hotpe and Sat-Montu on the Geneva D 51 stela.


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twice, once in the body of the text and once in the legend, but it also receives two titles, the second of which, as mentioned above, means promotion. Due to the location of the signature in front of the man's face in the lower register, it can be assumed that it is Sa-Montu and that he is, in fact, the main owner of the stela. Given the design of the stela, with a kheker frieze representing the upper part of the building, it is possible that the piece was part of the rear wall of chapel 39, which would have housed other stelae, with a complete list of family names. extended and maybe some colleagues. If this were the case, the chapel and its group of stelae would provide full information on the relations between the different towns, and the peculiar arrangement observed here would be fully understood.



Cf. for example, stelae CG 20057, 20087, 20088, 20122, 20242, 20275 (here two women) and 20284; Chicago Field Museum of Natural History no. 31672 (=Thomas G. Allen, Egyptian Stelae in the Museum of Natural History [Chicago, 1936], p. 20); and UC 14428, 14562, 14416 and 14360 (two women) (= H.M. Stewart, op. cit., pls. 25:1, 25:3, 26:4 and 34:2, respectively). I owe these references to Ms. Jennifer E. Hellum. 38 It should be noted, however, that she is given a less significant title in the signature that identifies him, perhaps out of respect for his colleague Ankh-ib. 39 See notes by William Kelly Simpson, op. cit., pp. 116-17. also Fitzwilliam stela E.207 (= Janine Bourriau, op. cit., cat. no. 39, pp. 50–51), which has a similar design at the top and is also part of the group chapel (= William Kelly Simpson Terrace of the Great God in Abydos [New Haven, 1974], ANOC 56, pl.77; Detlef Franke, op.cit., dossier no. 83).


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Loyalty to the King, to God, to each other

Antonio Loprieno


Ojalist wisdom, represented above all by the two texts known as "Loyalist Instruction" and "Man's Instruction to His Son", is one of the most complex textual genres of Middle Kingdom literature. The basic philological work for 1 2 of the previous text was contributed by Kuentz and Posener and enriched with 3 4 different specific contributions; for the latter, the reconstruction is still incomplete, but a detailed Fischer-Elfert edition will be published. In addition, the monographs emphasized the importance of loyal literature within the entire culture of the Middle Kingdom and the importance of this genre within the framework of 1 "Deux

versions of the royal eulogy" in Studies presented to F. Ll. Griffith (London, 1932), pp. 97–110; idem, About Some Egypt Ostraka: A New Set of Commandments from the Middle Kingdom, CRAIBL 1931, pp. 321- 28. 2 Loyal to Teaching, Egyptian Wisdom of the Middle Kingdom, Center for the Study of History and Philology II, Hautes Études Orientales 5 (Geneva, 1976). In quoting this text, I will be guided by Posener's edition. 3 First Lieutenant, W.K. Simpson, "Mentuhotep, Vizier of Sesostris I, Patron of Arts and Architecture," MDAIK 47 (1991), pp. 331–40.For a list of specific cartouches, see A. Roccati, Sapienza egizia, Testi del Vicino Oriente Antico I/4 (Brescia, 1994), pp. 89–90. 4 H. Goedicke, Die Lehre eines Mannes für seinen Sohn, ZĘS 94 (1967), pp. 62–71; K. Kitchen, " Studies in Egyptian Wisdom Literature, I. Man's Instruction to His Son," OrAnt 8 (1969), pp. 189–208; idem, "Studies in Egyptian Wisdom Literature II. Counsels of Discretion (on Michaelides 16), OrAnt 9 (1970), pp. 203–10; E. Blumenthal, "Eine neue Handschrift der 'Lehre eines Mannes für seinen Sohn' (pBerlin 14374)", in: Festschrift zum 150jährigen Bestehen des Berliner Ägyptischen Museums, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Mitteilungen aus der Ägyptischen Sammlung 8 (Berlin, 19 74 ), yes. p. 55–66; A. Roccati, Tra i papiri torinesi, OrAnt 14 (1975), page 245,7; J. Osing, "Vier Ostraka aus Giza", MDAIK 33 (1977), pp. 109-11; G. Fecht, "Schicksalsgöttinnen und König in der 'Lehre eines Mannes für seinen Sohn'", ZĘS 105 (1978), pp. 14–42; J. L. Foster, "Egyptian Composition Texts" A Man's Instruction to His Son "at the Oriental Institute Museum," JNES 45 (1986), pp. 197-211; W. Helck, Die Lehre des Djedefhor und die Lehre eines Vaters an seinen Sohn de él, Kleine Egyptische Texte (Wiesbaden, 1984); G. Posener, "The teaching of the man to the son", in: E. Hornung - O. Keel, ed., Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren, OBO 28 (Freiburg-Göttingen, 1979), pp. 307-16; ibid., "For the restoration of the science of man to his son", RdE 36 (1985), pp. 115-19; H. Fischer-Elfert, "Zum bisherigen Textbestand der 'Lehre eines Mannes an seinen Sohn'", OrAnt 27 (1988), pp. 173–209; E. Blumenthal, "Zur Wiederherstellung zweier ägyptischer Weisheitstexte", OLZ 87 (1992), pp. 229–36; Roccati, Egyptian Sapienza, pp. 97–98. 5 G. Posener, Literature and Politics in Egypt of the Twelfth Dynasty (Paris, 1956), pp. 117–40.

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history of private Egyptian religiosity. However, loyalist literature has not yet received due treatment in the new approach to the study of Egyptian literary texts that is now dominant following the general shift in the humanities from a "piecemeal" to a "detailed" perspective, i.e., attention to each of them. document of the past as a piece of the puzzle represented by all modern civilization for its analysis as a potential indicator of the main characteristics of the society that produced it: instead of privileging the analysis of Egyptian literary compositions in the light of literary evidence, scholars are increasingly concerned with the intrinsic degree of "literature", that is, the formal and intellectual characteristics that characterize Egyptian literary discourse as the bearer of Egyptian culture. In the case of loyalist literature, there are two reasons for this delay in examining its discursive features: on the one hand, the problems caused by the philological fragmentation of the two texts, the first of which is known from a single text Middle Kingdom epigraphic, the Sehetepibre™ stele, and several New Kingdom papyri and ostraca. , which present a rather enlarged version, while the second can be expected to be reconstructed for the first time only in Fischer-Elfert's editio princeps; on the other hand, the tendency of scholars to follow Posener's interpretation of loyalist texts, as well as other genres of Middle Kingdom literature, as a form of propaganda in defense of the political restoration of the centralized state after destabilizing experiences of the First Intermediate. Period. Thus, the study of Loyal Instruction touches on methodological issues that have been clarified by the astute observations of William Kelly Simpson, and I am honored to dedicate the following somewhat unorthodox discussion to it. 6

J. Assmann, "Wisdom, Loyalty, and Piety," in Studies in the Teachings of Ancient Egyptian Life, pp. 11–73. 7 O. Calabrese, L'età neobarocca, Sagittari Laterza 8 (Bari, 1987), pp. 73-95. 8 On the Egyptological application of this term, see J. Assmann, Egypt. The Theology and Piety of Early High Culture, Urban-Handbooks 366 (Stuttgart, 1984), page 192 et seq.; I'm leaving, Ma'at. Justice and Immortality in Ancient Egypt (Munich, 1990) pp. 49–50. 9 See A. Loprieno, Topos y mimesis. On Foreigners in Egyptian Literature, ÄgAbh 48 (Wiesbaden, 1988), pp. 1–13. 10 For a recent contribution to the theme of propaganda in Middle Kingdom literature, see CALIFORNIA. Thériault, "Amenemhet's Propaganda Manual", JARCE 30 (1993), pp. 151–60. 11 See his contribution, "Belles lettres and Propaganda in Ancient Egyptian Texts", in A. Loprieno, ed., Ancient Egypt Literature: History and Forms. Problems of Egyptology (Leiden, forthcoming).


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§ 1 Literary Discourse in Ancient Egypt As I have suggested above, a key debate in modern Egyptology revolves around the presence, absence, or conditions of autonomous literary discourse in Ancient Egypt. It goes without saying that all textual genres can be sources of equal fundamental importance for the reconstruction of historical settings or religious attitudes in which a dialogue took place between the author and the text on the one hand, and the text and the readers on the other. . In this respect, "cultural texts" - to use a phrase coined by Assmann - are historically more informative in terms of what they implicitly reveal than what they explicitly state. Symmetrically, many Egyptian texts will present a combination of aesthetic elegance and prosodic devices, regardless of the discourse to which they belong and, to some extent, also regardless of the nature of the information conveyed. What makes literary texts deserve separate treatment, however, is their basic function, which, if Jakobson's terminology is adopted, can be described as "poetic", that is, the formula ¡w≠f pw ¢£.t ≠f r p¢ .w¡≠ f¡ "That's how it goes from beginning to end", in which the literary text itself is referred to anaphorically through third person pronouns, as opposed, to give some random examples, to "reference" to mathematical or medical treatises ( ¡r q £™≠f st mwt≠f pw ¡r [™m≠f] st ™n∞≠f pw "If you vomit it, it means 15 will die; if you swallow it, it means you will live" ), "metalinguistic" mythological glosses and etiologies (¡r sf ws¡r pw "Regarding 16 "yesterday", i.e. "Osiris""), "conative" royal decrees (w∂-nzw), "emotional" statements "Old Kingdom tomb workers" (mk w¡¢r≠s 17 mry≠¡ "I am right, beloved"), or "phatic" greetings (¡.n∂¢r≠k).

12 See discussion in: J. Assmann, “Writing, Death and Identity. The tomb as a preparatory school for literature in ancient Egypt,” in A. Assmann, J. Assmann and Chr. Hardmeier, eds., Writing and Memory, Archeology of Literary Communication 1 (Munich, 1983), pp. 64–93 . 13 R. Jakobson, Linguistics and Poetics, in T. A. Sebeok, ed., Style in Language (Cambridge, Mass., 1960), p. 350-7 14 The example comes from sin. B 311. 15 Ramesseum IV C 18-19. 16 CT IV 193b. 17 A. Badawy, The Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah at Giza and the Tomb of TM AnkhmTMahor at Sakkara, University of California Occasional Papers 11: Archeology (Berkeley–Los Angeles, 1978), fig. 36


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In the hermeneutic approach to texts from ancient Egypt, the poetic function of literary texts is expressed through the coexistence19 of three dimensions: (1) Fictionality as a generator of mutual solidarity20 or complicity between the author and his model reader so that the representation of the world in the text does not have to correspond to reality, and there are no sanctions in case of discrepancies. From the perspective drawn from the contemporary theory of reception, this dimension could be called poiesis. (2) Intertextuality as an internal dialogue between texts that are never completely original authorial creations, but rather the inevitable result of a dynamic "textual universe" in dialectical interrelationships. The "cathartic" filter provided by the dialogue between texts is responsible for the formation of codified textual genres, as well as the establishment of attribution or suppression rules, for example through pseudepigraphy. (3) The reception as evidence of the existence of an audience for this author-text-reader dialectic, that is, the reading of the aesthetic text in the cultural history of Egypt itself. It is through the simultaneous presence of these three textual qualities in certain sets of texts, in our case loyalist wisdom, that we can infer the presence in ancient Egypt of an autonomous literary discourse distinct from non-literary textual genres. § 2 A Loyalist Literature Between Social and Individual Concerns If one adopts the model just described, it is highly doubtful that one will 19 I have explored this issue further in an article entitled "Defining Egyptian Texts: Ancient Texts and Modern Literary Theory" J. Cooper, ed., The William Foxwell Albright Centennial Conference (Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns, forthcoming). 20 U. Echo, fable reader. The interpretive cooperation nei testi narrativi (Milan, 1979). 9:00 p.m. Jauss, Ästhetische Erfahrung und literarische Hermeneutik, Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 955 (Frankfurt, 1991), pp. 103–24. 22 Jauss, Ästhetische Erfahrung, pp. 165–91. 23 Cf. B. van de Walle, The transmission of texts littéraires égyptiens (Brussels 1948), pp. See also M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature. Book of Readings, Vol. 1 (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1973), p. 6 ff. Pseudepigraphy allows the author not to act as "affirmer" of the text: see Assmann, in: Schrift und Gedächtnis, page 89. 24 A similar perspective is now also adopted in the analysis of literary discourse in antiquity: cf. G. Cavallo, P. Fedeli, A Giardina, ed., Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica (Rome, 1989-1991): I La produzione del testo; II. The circulation of the test; third La arrozazione del testo; IV. Updating the text. In our case, due to the lack of a continuous dialogue with Egyptian literature between late antiquity and the birth of modern Egyptology, this last aspect of "updating" Egyptian literature is necessarily underdeveloped.


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Antonio Loprieno, Loyalty to the king, to God, to yourself

A complex category of referentially fictional, intertextually dynamic, and cross-culturally transmitted texts appears in pre-Middle Kingdom Egypt. The frequent references to the Old Kingdom, and especially to the First Intermediate State, in the texts of classical literature create rather a "mythical" era, whose intellectual values ​​are the horizon from which the literary author draws the symbolic models of him. Regardless of whether or not the genesis of Egyptian literary discourse is sought in the funerary sphere, there is no doubt that the autobiographies of 27 late officials of the Old Kingdom are the starting point for two textual forms that, taken out of context, Sitz im Leben commemorate a single individual at the level of collective cultural experience, acquire the status of literary genres. These two genres are wisdom texts that expand on the themes of the so-called autobiographies” in which a fictional representation of reality takes the form of an individual response to these expectations. From its inception, the autobiographical genre expresses through the rhythm of different styles (poetry vs. prose, ethical vs. narrative sections) the late Old Kingdom society's tension between societal expectations and individual achievement. This tension will become a key feature of fictional discourse, especially in a society where even elites are likely to remain at a relatively low level of individual emancipation. The manuals and the stories represent two opposite responses to the challenge of social and personal controversies: wisdom literature represents conformity to ideology, narrative literature -

25 Here I share the interpretation proposed by J. Assmann, “Writing, Death and Identity. The tomb as a preparatory school for literature in ancient Egypt," in A. Assmann - J. Assmann - Chr. Hardmeier (ed.), Writing and Memory, Archeology of Literary Communication 1 (Munich, 1983), pp. 64–65. 93 ; a more traditional view is presented by H. Brunner, Altägyptische Wisdom. Life Lessons (Zurich-Munich, 1988), pp. 45-61.26 See discussion of S. Quirke, Discussions in Egyptology 16 (1990), p in his review of Loprieno, Topos und Mimesis. 27 M. Lichtheim, Autobiographies of Ancient Egypt Mainly of the Middle Kingdom, OBO 48 (Freiburg, 1988). in J. Assmann – T. Hölscher, eds., Culture and Memory, Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 724 (Frankfurt, 1988), pp. 87–114;

Topos i mimesis, s. 1–21. J. Assmann, „Sepulchral autothematization in ancient Egypt”, w: A. Hahn - V. Kapp, net., Autothematization and self-testimony: Confession and confession, Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 643 (Frankfurt, 1987), p. . 213-21. 30


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rise of the human hero Rather than alternative, closely opposed archetypes, however, the two genres represent the poles of what I have conventionally called topos and mimesis of a textual continuum in which a variety of graded solutions can be found: whether prototypical "teachings" describe the conditions of smooth social integration of the individual from the Middle Kingdom who can be an intellectual (as in "Ptahhotep's Manual"), but also a fictitious king (as in "Instructions for Merikare™"), in the world of the author of "Lamentations "The vision is most clearly revealed by reading post-eventum a depressive political present against the backdrop of an orderly past (as in "The Warnings of Ipu-wer"), the individual meditation on a tragedy (as in "The Complaints from Chacheper32 to ™seneb") or the prospect of a repaired future (as in "Prophecy 33 Neferti"). To this first intermediate position, moving away from the static topos towards the dynamics of mimesis, in which the individual questioning of social expectations is wrapped in a formal recognition of its importance, I would also attribute loyalist literature, a genre in which the king as the main recipient of individual loyalty. A higher level of this hierarchy from the social to the personal sphere of interest can be detected in texts such as "The Dialogue of Man with his Ba" and "The Eloquent Peasant", in which the authors explore the existential limits of salvation. posthumous: Ba - or the political order of society - Ma'at. At the other end of the spectrum, the narrative literature of "Sinuhe" or "The Shipwrecked Sailor" presents a mimetic reality in which the perfection of the hero becomes the paradigm of human success. Judging by the internal history of reception, it was "current" literature that enjoyed the greatest recognition as a textual genre in Egypt. However, the fact that he prefers to characterize the narrative of 31

F. Junge, "The World of Lamentations," in J. Assmann et al., ed., Questions for Ancient Egyptian Literature. Eberhard Otto Memorial Studies (Wiesbaden, 1977), pp. 275–84; J. Assmann, "Middle Kingdom Lamentations" in Stone and Time. Man and Society in Ancient Egypt (Munich, 1991) pp. 260–71; P. Seibert, Characteristics. Studies on Egyptian language custom and its manifestations in folklore and literature, ÄgAbh 17 (Wiesbaden, 1967), pp. 11-54; W. Schenkel, Otherwise now. Variations on an Element of Literary Form”, WdO 15 (1984), pp. 51–61. 32 See the expression ¢¢¡ n¡ ¡b "intellectual investigation" in "The complaints of Kha™kheperre™seneb" (I, 2), by one of the greatest representatives of this literary genre: B.G. Ocking, "The Charge of Kha™kheperre™sonbu", JEA 69 (1983), pp. 88-95. 33E

Blumenthal, "The Neferti Prophecy," ZĘS 109 (1982), pp. 1–27. J. Assmann, Maat. Justice and Immortality in Ancient Egypt (Munich, 1990), pp. 58–91. 35 Modeled by N Frye, Anatomy of Criticism (Princeton, 1957). 3. 4


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genre by the very technical term mimesis, which in the history of literary analysis specifically defines the relationship between a work of art and its non-artistic counterpart, implies that I treat the latter as a privileged bearer of authorial individuality rather than as socially authorized literature . As already noted, point innovation in Egypt rarely became a universal inauguration, and property rules allowed personal freedom only within formal observance of the sociopolitical context. Thus narrative literature, being potentially more subversive, was on the one hand less likely to be "classical" and on the other hand closer to the aesthetic standards of mimesis in the Western sense. § 3. Fictionality in loyalist literature The author-reader complicity that characterizes fictionality is manifested in loyalist literature through a series of three semantic neutralizations of potentially conflictive spheres: (1) Anonymity. In general, while it is relatively easy to see how a name like Z£-nh.t ("Son of Sycamore") obviously alludes to the 42 tormented dimensions of history and the privileged relationship 43 between hero and queen, the fact that "Náufrago" is not called "Sailor", it takes the hero and his story into the realm of the 44 "imaginary"; In this case, the text is not only fictional in the sense that it creates a solidarity between author and reader that neutralizes referentiality, but also presupposes a world in which basic conventions

Baines, "The Sinuhe Interpretation," JEA 68 (1982), pp. 100-111. 31-44; idem, "An Interpretation of the Sailor's Wreck Story," JEA 76 (1990), pp. 55–72; Loprieno, Topos and Mimesis, pp. 1-1 41–59; ídem, "The Sign of Literature in the Shipwreck," in U. Verhoeven - E. Graefe, eds., Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt. Festgabe for Philippe Derchain on his 65th birthday July 24, 1991, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 39 (Louvain, 1991), pp. 209-1 37 Brunner, Upper Egyptian Wisdom, p. 11–98. 38 See Weinsheimer, Philosophical Hermeneutics and Literary Theory, pp. 77–78. So check out E.A. Schmidt, "A Historical Typology of the Guiding Functions of the Canon in Greek and Roman Literature," in A. Assmann - J. Assmann, ed., Canon and Censorship. Archeology of Literary Communication 2 ( Munich , 1987 ), pp. 252–53. 39 J. Assmann, “Does a 'classic' exist in the history of Egyptian literature? A Contribution to the Intellectual History of the Ramessid Period" in ZDMG, Supplement VI (Stuttgart, 1985), p. 51. 40

On the usefulness of this concept in the study and explanation of Egyptian cultural phenomena, see J. Baines, Fecundity Figures (Warminster, 1985), pp. 277–305. 41 See F. Martinez-Bonati, Fictional discourse and literary structures. The Phenomenological Approach (Ithaca, 1981); Schmidt, in Kanon und Zensur, pp. 252–55. 42 Cf. S. Purdy, "Sinuhe and the Question of Literary Types", ZĘS 104 (1977), pp. 43 Ph. Derchain, La réception de Sinouhe à la cour de Sésostris Ier, RoE 22 (1970), pp. 79–83.


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our concrete reality is broken; a world where, for example, a serpent can speak and prophesy. On the stela of he Amenemhat III Amenemhat III of the Middle Kingdom, Sehetepibre™ identifies himself as the author of the loyalist eulogy of the king, but other parts of the text are clearly taken from the inscription of the centennial vizier Mentuhotep; in fact, the same could be true of the Wisdom text, since the New Kingdom copies do not mention any author. Along the same lines, the author of "The Man's Instruction to His Son" is clearly anonymous (z¡). Like the fictional attribution of a literary work to the king himself in Instructions for Merikare™ or Senwosret I, the anonymity of loyalist literature crystallizes the Egyptian elite's collective experience of the state: turning the anonymous bourgeoisie into champions of a text of wisdom, the author of Man's Advice to the Son neutralizes potentially critical aspects of his work and promotes its reception, following the same pattern of Sinuhe's attribution of his escape 46 to n†r rather than his own will or anonymity of the worthy assistant and prince in The Shipwrecked Sailor. Rather than being a signal for the most popular audience of the text, as opposed to the more aristocratic origin of the stela, as Posener suggested, the abandonment of the attribution is a strategy to facilitate the acceptance of the texts by the entire social class it represents. the literary audience. of the ideological perspective they convey. Thus, the dialogue between the king and his heir over his subjects in the speculum regis Merikare™ or Senwosret becomes functionally identical to dialogue 44. However, this is not the only functional performance of nameless mention. . Doctor. Derchain, "Eloquence et politique: l'opinion d'Akhtoy", RdE 40 (1989), p. 38, rightly observes that this measure also serves to achieve the opposite effect, namely to allow the implicit referent to be identified by a given addressee: "L'anonymat est ici discrétion de connivence, non souci de généralité". 45 A. Loprieno, "Lo schiavo", in: S. Donadoni, ed., L'uomo egiziano (Bari, 1990), pp. 208–13. I speak here of "bourgeois" rather than "aristocratic" heroes, because in the Middle Kingdom, unlike in earlier times, the emerging social class tended to promote non-aristocratic heroes: in Middle Kingdom literature, success was achieved through personal excellence, and individual achievement is not measured by one's inherited status: one can relate pars pro toto to the literary characters Shipwrecked Sailor, Eloquent Peasant, or Djedi Mage in Westcar, all of whom are prototypical examples in which the literary elite disguises itself by identifying: and identifying with – successful ∂s.w “common people”. 46 Sin. B 229–230 n†r ߣ(¡) w™r.t tn ¢r s†£≠¡ "God who decided this flight dragged me down." 47 Posener, Littérature et politique, pp. 126–27. Fecht, ZĘS 105 (1978), pp.


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between an Egyptian zj and his son about the king in loyal texts: both transmit, in a veiled way, the basic themes of the literary production of the Middle Kingdom, that is, the debate between state ideology and personal experience. In the transition from a non-literary autobiography revolving around an individual name as the mark of the tomb owner's achievements to a literary genre revealing patterns of social interaction, said affirmer becomes an author without a name. (2) God vs. King. The second neutralization refers to the opposition between the semantic spheres of god and king. Loyalist literature from the Middle Kingdom shows an interesting interface between the concepts of nzw and n†r. "A man's instruction to his son" and the Ashmolean Museum 1964.489 Scribal Palette text invite the recipient to allegiance to "god," whom Blumen50 thal phraseologically identifies with the king. Assmann also suggests that it is not until Ramessid's "personal piety" 51 that the god is gradually seen as king; It would be a sign of a break with the traditional loyalty of earlier times and the development of solidarity of the divine and individual dimensions to the detriment of monarchical piety. It is probable, however, that the individually oriented elite of the Middle Kingdom already expressed in their literature at an embryonic level an intellectual development that would spread to different textual genres and to broader segments of the population by the time of the Ramessides. One can think of an extraordinary difference between the genera of the Middle Kingdom 48

This analysis can benefit from a comparison with Machiavelli's The Prince: in the same way, the dedication of this work to the Duke de Medici does not make it a true speculum regis, but allows the author to neutralize its character as a mirror of his own personal experience. and politics. view in the context of contemporary Florentine history, attributing the instructions of Merikare™ and Senwosret I to the real author is a procedure intended to facilitate the social reception of, above all, individual experience. 49 In “Man teaching his son” we find the command m s†n¡(.w) ¡b≠k ¢r n†r dw£ sw mry≠k sw [m]mr¡w “Do not turn your heart away from God: honor and love him as a servant (or: among servants):” Helck, Die Lehre des Djedefhor und die Lehre eines Vaters an seinen Sohn, § II 7; Fecht, ZĘS 105 (1978), § 3.1–2. From now on I will quote this text according to Fecht's analysis. Ashmolean Museum text 1964.489 see [mk(?) smn∞].n†r smn∞ sw "God hath exalted him that exalts him": J. Barns, "A New Wisdom Text From a Writing-Board in Oxford", JEA 54 (1968), p. 71–76, text A, line 1. Develop this reciprocity between God and man (see expression mr¡ n†r mrr sw in the Neferhotep inscription: M. Pieper, Die große Inschrift des Königs Neferhotep in Abydos, MVAeG 32.2 ( Leipzig, 1929), verse 29) from the loyalist literature of the Middle Kingdom to the personal piety of Ramessid, cf. Assmann, in Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren, p.36 ff. 50 Blumenthal, in Festschrift Ägyptisches Museum Berlin, pp. 55–66, esp. p. 60ff. 51 Assmann, Maat, p.260 et seq.


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literature, scarce but of a canonical paradigm, and the literary culture of the New Kingdom, in which the reception of "classical" texts from the Middle Kingdom and the appearance of "proletarian" genres coexist, such as popular narrative and love poetry; or the phenomenon of democratization of the Underworld in the transition period 55 from the Cofix Texts to the Book of the Dead; or the very structure of the society of the New Kingdom, with the emergence of new social classes characterized by a high degree of specialization and professional loyalty: the motif of "The Satire of the Craft" is perceived in the Middle Kingdom as an encyclopedia of scribes aristocracy , as evidenced by Cheta's attribution, the quintessential literate paradigm, whereas in Ramesside's time it became a school textbook with corporate overtones. From this perspective, it is easy to understand why the identification of n†r n†r in loyalist literature is never direct, but rather related to the problem of the nameless n†r of other wisdoms, as well as to the narrative texts of the Middle Kingdom. . In fact, one of the most fundamental questions to adequately assess Egyptian fictionality as a whole is the representation of the status of theological discourse as a dialogue between referential theology and self-referential literature. In loyalist texts, the generic number 60 of wisdom literature takes on a more personal connotation, 61 echoing contemporary experiments in theodicy and paving the way for developments in the Eighteenth Dynasty leading to the humanism of "theology of Amun." official and anthropocentrism of the Holy See

J. Baines, "Concepts and Uses of the Past from Ancient Egypt: Evidence from the Third and Second Millenniums BC," in R. Layton, ed., Who Needs the Past? Indigenous Values ​​and Archeology (London, 1989), pp. 131–49, esp. pgs. 100–1 140–44. 53 Assmann, in Appendix VI ZDMG, pp. 35–52. 54 On the opposition between the classical scribe and the proletariat, see Aulo Gelio, Noctes Atticae, 19.8.5; Weinsheimer, Philosophical Hermeneutics, pp. 124–57. 55

This phenomenon parallels the "demotization" referred to by Assmann, Ma'at, p. 114 refers to the description of the rise of the theology of the individual in the First Intermediate Period Coffin Texts, as opposed to royal monopoly. given in the Pyramid Texts. 56 W. Helck, “The social stratification of the Egyptian nation in the third and second millennium BC. BC”, JESHO 2 (1959), pp. 1–36; idem, Economic History of Ancient Egypt in the Third and Second Millennium BC, Handbuch der Orientalistik I, 1,5 (Leiden, 1975), pp. 217–25. 57 Loprieno, in: L'uomo egiziano, page 225. 58 J. Vergote, The notion of Dieu dans les livres de sagesse égyptiens, in Les sagesses du Proche-Orient Ancien, Colloque de Strasbourg, May 17-19, 1962 ( Paris, 1963), pp. 159–90; Blumenthal, at the Festschrift Egyptian Museum in Berlin, pp. 61 et seq.; E. Hornung, "Monotheism in Pharaonic Egypt," in O. Keel, ed., Monotheism in Ancient Israel and Its Environment, Biblical Contributions 14 (Freiburg, 1980), pp. 83–97. Loprieno, Topos and mimesis, p.93.59 Ph. Derchain, Encore le monothéisme, CoE 63 (1988), pp. 77–85.


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the "new solar theology" on the one hand, and the extreme anti-constellationism of the Amarna Age on the other. While in texts from the Eighteenth Dynasty,63 such as the theological text of pCairo 58038 - a fortiori in the 64 Great Hymn to the Aten - the interaction between god and man (type) 65 is indicated by general predicates rather than personal appeals, and even the new theology. While the solar system emphasizes God's role as humanity's "good shepherd" rather than the author's personal savior, in the Ramesside era the focus shifts from evaluating God's attributes to expressing existential needs. of their human interlocutors. Reducing God to the level not only of human history but also of private history necessarily increases his probability of leaving the reference sphere of speculation and entering the world constructed by the author, that is, in the domain of mimesis. In this case, too, it is not surprising that the hermeneutical key is offered by the autobiographical genre, which by its nature strives to explore the interface between the social and individual spheres. I am thinking of two texts that are paradigmatic for a more general cultural trend: Sa-Mut's autobiographies, called Kiki (TT 409) and Djehutiemhab (TT 194). In general, both texts belong to the intellectual movement of Ramesidic "personal piety", which is itself a cultural phenomenon in which the individual and official dimensions are more intertwined than in any other form of Egyptian religiosity. Individuality consists of focusing on the link between the human and divine spheres, emphasizing God as the addressee of personal concerns; official 60 Compare

the use of the term n†r with a pronoun suffix in "Teaching a Man to a Son": Fecht, ZĘS 105 (1978), § 6, 4–5 wr¡ n≠k m-™≠k ¡ rr≠k ™¢™w≠k m -flnw s∞r n†r≠k "Great will be your possessions if you spend your life according to your god's plan" or in Ashm. Mousse. 1964. 489 [¢t]p r≠k n†r≠k "May your god be pleased with you": Barns, JEA 54 (1968), pp. 71–76, text A, line 3. 61 Assmann, in Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren, pp. 36–53; ibid., Theologie und Frömmigkeit, pp. 198 et seq. 62 J. Assmann, Reund Amun. Die Krise des polytheistischen Weltbilds im Ägypten der 18.–20. Dynasties, OBO 51 (Freiburg, 1983), pp. 96–188. 63 units

Assmann, Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete (Zurich, 1975), pp. 199–207, 549–53. Assmann, Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete, pp. 215–21, 557–58; J. P. Allen, "Akhenaten's Natural Philosophy", in: W.K. Simpson, ed., Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt, Yale Egyptological Studies 3 (New Haven, 1989), pp. 89–101. 65 Cf. El Cairo 58038, IV, 3–5 “Whoever listens (s∂m.w) to the request of the one who is in affliction, and is well disposed (¡m£-¡b) towards the one who calls him; that he saves (n ¢ m.w) the cowards from the hands of the brutal, and that he judges (inf¡.w) with justice between rich and poor.” 66 As indicated above, a similar phenomenon of “privatization of history” accompanied the rise of literary discourse in the Middle Kingdom period: Loprieno, Topos und Mimesis, pp. 84–97. 67 Assmann, Re und Amun, p. 264–286. 64


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it is their constellation framework, the fact that this association involves a specific individual within the state religion, not an indeterminate number of earlier wisdom literature. In the above inscription, the narrator describes in the first person not his own achievements, as in earlier traditional biographies, but his metonymically grounded loyalty to the goddess Mut (Z£-Mw.t = "son-mut"). The role of the king, the dimension of the family, and even the search for social promotion are disappearing. The text is accompanied by a number of formal devices, such as (a) the backward direction of the writing, which, despite the orientation of the hieroglyphics, goes from person to goddess, or (b) a constant number of 73, 74 intertextual. reminiscences In this last inscription, somewhat symmetrically, it is the goddess herself (in this case Hathor) who appears to the individual in a dream. In the first place, the dream dimension75 refers specifically to fiction; secondly, dialogue with god76 was previously the prerogative of the king. Once again, the text reconstructs metalinguistic clues, the intervention of intertextual memorials, and associations with the religion of the constellation state. It seems, then, that in times when the true autobiographical inscriptions disappeared from the funeral speech, the textual genre "autobiography"68

And not just the Egyptians: on Mesopotamian and Biblical personal piety, see R. Albertz, Personal Piety and Official Religion, Calwer's Theological Monographs A/9 (Stuttgart, 1978). 69 See E. Hornung, Concepts of God in Ancient Egypt. The One and the Many, trans. J. Baines (London, 1982), pp. 44 et seq.; Loprieno, Topos and Mimesis, pp. 93–94. 70

Cf. P. Vernus, “Literature and autobiography. S£-Mwt inscriptions with the surname Kyky', RdE 30 (1978), pp. 115–46. 71 A 5 "he discovered that Mut was ahead of the other gods." 72 A 9–10 "I was a poor citizen of his town, a poor bum of his town." 73 How to begin the narrative with the Middle Egyptian construction A 1 z¡ pw wnn(.w) "Once upon a time there was a man", as in "An eloquent peasant", or to borrow the Late Egyptian expression A 17 bw ¡ ; r≠¡ n≠¡ n∞w m rm†.w "I took no human protection for myself" against scholastic prayers (see p. Anastasi II 9, 3–4): Vernus, RdE 30 (1978), p. 130ff. 74 J. Assmann, “Göttin Hathor Traumatology. Zeugnisse "Personal Progress" in Theban Private Grabbers of the Ramesside, RdE 30 (1978), pp. 22–50. 75

See the famous passage from Sin. B 223-226: "Look, this flight that your servant made, I did not plan it, it was not my decision; I did not invent it, I do not know who tore me from my place: it was like a dream, as if a man from the Delta saw in Elephantine, the mud of Nubia. See P. Vernus, "Traum", in LĘVI, pp. 745–49. 76 I 11 "It was you who spoke to me with your mouth... while I slept and the earth was in silence" and Hathor responds by listing all the gods to whom she will intercede for the dead. 77 As a pun on the juxtaposition m ߣ™ "at first" and m ߣw "as decided" in col. p. 10 78 For example, 12–13 ¡w≠¡ m qd ¡w t£ msgr "While I slept and the earth was silent", a common phrase in hymn literature since Amarna: Assmann, RdE 30 (1978), p. 32.


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it acquires a higher literary status by incorporating a theological dimension. Thus, theology itself loses its referentiality in favor of fictionality: it passes from the sacred to the individual, from the canonical to the literary. Thus, it can be argued that the loyalist discourse of the Middle Kingdom, already under the guise of royal commendation, prepares aspirations for a more personal relationship with God. In the early phase of the New Kingdom, this debate entered theological discourse, favoring after Amarna the emergence of texts in which the question of the nature of God is linked to personal experience - hence the widespread use of open theological discourse. , characterized by genres such as s£∞80 ("transfiguration"), rd¡.t ¡£w ("prayer") or dw£w ("hymn"). It can be objected to this reading, which assigns a more emancipatory tone to the loyalist n†r, that if the objective evidence of anti-monarchical potential is already tenuous in Sinuhe and in all narrative literature, it seems totally alien to wisdom texts, the mainstream. of which is precisely the praise of the king and his leadership qualities. But looking at the social background of these works can give us insight into the deeper concerns of their authors. The most significant social phenomenon in the transition from the Old to the Middle Kingdom is the rise of a class of "free citizens" freed from serfdom (w™b), who -in search of intellectual emancipation (r∞ 82 83 ¡ ∞. t) - glorify their efficiency (¡ qr) and economic independence (n∂s). The period of formation of this new social class, the period of 79 Assmann,

Theology and piety, pgs. 258–82. Egyptian Hymns and Prayers, p. 78–94; A. Barucq - F. Daumas, Hymns and Prayers of Ancient Egypt (Paris 1980), pp. 19-4 "A free citizen assigned to a field works for you like a bunch"; text see J.F. Quack, Teaching Studies for Merikare. GOF IV/23 (Wiesbaden, 1992), p. 48-53; MerikareTM E 101 ∂∂-s.wt km≠s z¡ 10,000 m n∂s.wb nn b£w≠f "The Memphite Area (?) is inhabited by 10,000 people as free common people": Quack, Merikare, page 61. See also E. Blumenthal, "Science for King Merikare," ZĘS 107 (1980), page 14, note 106, 16. 80 Assmann, 1980;

82 Ver

discussion in: H. Brunner, "Die 'Weisen' ihre 'Lehren' und 'Prophezeiungen' in altägyptischer Sicht", ZĘS 93 (1966), pp. 29–35; Assmann, in: Schrift und Gedächtnis, page 85. 83 Not only in literary texts: Merer Stela 10–11 comes to mind n¡ r∂¡≠¡ m¢¡ mw≠sn ky m ¡r¡ n∂ s ¡qr n nb¡ h(£) w.t≠f "I didn't let their water flood someone's field, as befits an able-bodied commoner to make sure his family gets enough water." See bibliography K. Jansen-Winkeln, "Bemerkungen zur Stele des Merer in Krakau", JEA 74 (1988), pp. 204–207. 84 See beginning of an anecdote told by b£ to a man in Dialogue 68-70 ¡wn∂s sk£≠f ßdw≠f ¡w≠f £tp≠f ßmw≠f r-flnw dp.t s†£ ≠ f sqd. wt ¢ (£) b ≠ f tkn (.w) "A common man plows his field, loads his produce into a boat, and sails on until he reaches a moment of rest."


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what he describes as "mythical" in the sense described above is the late Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period. Beyond its political or archaeological reality,85 it is a period of reaction to the centralized monarchy and the emergence of self-conscious personalities86 who express their ideology in autobiographical texts. In the Middle Kingdom, the new elite must confront a resurgent central monarchy: while continuing to defend more traditional social values ​​in biographical texts, it indulges in a literary discourse that presupposes the existence of a public identified with its own economically independent social class, the function of vehicle of the dialectical confrontation between the individual and the society. Another proof of this complex interaction between the intellectual and the divine is the abundance of similar concepts in other texts of Middle Kingdom literature, such as b in "Dialogue of man and his Ba" or b in Khakheperre™seneb, which I consider analogous aspects. of individual meditation on the human condition. The "soul", the "heart" and the loyal "god" are partners in the process of individual investigation. Just think of the remarkable parallel conclusion of the first part of the "loyalist manual", the one that focuses on the king, and the second part, which emphasizes the duties of the bourgeoisie towards the working class. By using an identical lexical choice, the text suggests that the intellectual must be as devoted to his subjects as he is to the king, because his own condition depends on theirs, that is, because "it is the people who do what exists." ". The appropriate attitude pervades other texts in contemporary literature92 and indicates the perception that service to the king and service to subjects are two complementary aspects 85

SJ Seidlmayer, Cemeteries of the transition from the Old to the Middle Kingdom. Archeology Studies of the First Transitional Period, Archeology Studies and History of Ancient Egypt 1 (Heidelberg, 1990), especially pp. 5–39. 86 Cf. Lichtheim, Autobiographies of Ancient Egypt; J. Assmann, "Sepulchral Autothematization in Ancient Egypt", in: A. Hahn - V. Kapp, ed., Autothematization and Self-Witness: Confession and Confession, Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 643 (Frankfurt, 1987), p. 213-21. 87 R. Parkinson, "Literary Form and the Eloquent Peasant's Tale," JEA 78 (1992), pp. 163–78. 88 Marching,

JEA 69 (1983), pp. 88–95; Brunner, Altägyptische Weisheit, pp. 378–83. 6.1 ™¢£ ¢r rn≠f twr ¢r ™n∞≠f “To fight for your [i.e. king's name], honor his oath." 90 § 14:1–2 ™¢£ ¢r rm†.w ¢r sßr nb ™w.t pw £∞ n nb≠sn for his lord". 91 § 9.7 ¡en rm†.w s∞pr nt¡. "Persons" here refers to corporations of workers (¡£.wt), as the parallelism in § 10.1 ¡£.wt pw ¡ shows r¡.t ∂f£.in "It is the workers who produce the food. "However, the use of a term that in other contexts has clear emancipatory connotations is striking: Loprieno, in L'uomo egiziano, p. 89 §


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symmetrical reality: the Middle Kingdom elite understands itself as the meeting point of two potentially conflicting spheres of a well-functioning society, crystallized in the form of a king, and personal ethical responsibility, where god becomes a silent partner in an individual task. (3) Success in life versus survival after death. The evolution in which theological discourse tends to reach individual tensions and thus increase the degree of mimesis can also be observed in loyalist literature in the third neutralization between semantic spheres, that is, between success in this world through loyalty to the king and survival after death guaranteed by the funerary cult. The rise of ethical malaise is typical of Middle Kingdom society and finds expression, as we have seen above, in the development of Byzantine theology and the concept of the individual, first in the Coffin Texts and later in secular literature. This intellectual horizon creates the need for "good character" (qd), moral qualities that guarantee individual access to the Underworld. Parallel to the pause found in the "Loyalist Council" between the invocation of the sovereign in the first part and the treatment of duties towards the working class in the second, "The admonition of man to the Son" is divided into an exhortation prologue, the first part is dedicated to n†r and the second part is dedicated –as can be judged by the fragmentary state of the text– to relationships with others and the funerary dimension96. This reference to human destiny is preceded by references 97 to Renenet and Meskhenet in the first part of the text; Fecht convincingly interprets the corresponding fragments as a rejection of the interference of fate in human success, the only source of which he sees instead.

Merikare™ E 130–31 ¢n rm†.w ™w.t n¡.t n†r ¡r¡.n≠f p.t t£ n ¡b≠sn "Mankind is well cared for, God's flock: to them he made heaven and earth:” Quack, Merikare, pp. 78–79, also proverb (W. Guglielmi, "Sprichwort", in LÄV, col. 1219-1222) in Eloquent Peasant B 1.51 (I follow the edition of the text from R. Parkinson, The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, pp. 12-13) rn n¡ ¢wrw ¢r nb≠f "The poor man's name is pronounced only in relation to his master": Loprieno, Topos und Mimesis, pp. 89. 93 Loprieno, Topos und Mimesis, pp. 91–93 ;Assmann, Maat, pp. 114–21. 94 Fecht, ZĘS 105 (1978), § 2.1 ¡r¡ qd nn zn¡.t ¡ m n ∞pr.n wsf.t n s££ "Show good character, but without exaggeration: laziness does not suit a wise man" 95 Assmann, Maat, page 110 pieces; for b¡£(.t) nfr(.t ) see P. Vernus, "La formulas du bon comportement (bjt nfrt)", RdE 39 (1988), pp. 147–54; Assmann, Maat, p. 62. 96 Cf. Posener, Enseignement Loyalists, p. 13 note. 4 ; ibid., in: Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren, pp. 312–316; Fecht, ZĘS 105 (1978), pp. 21 and following; Brunner, Altägyptische Weisheit, pp. 185–88. 97 ZĘS 105 (1978), page 30 et seq.


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as ¢zw.t n.t n†r "grace of God". Here too, as in Sinuhe, the potential conflict between the constellation state religion and the individual n†r is neutralized by preserving the images of constellation theology while reserving the control of the n†r over ethical discourse. individual. The mortuary world becomes an equivalent aspect of piety towards God, in the same way that behavior towards subjects is symmetrical to loyalty towards a king. In a certain sense, the literary author hides under traditional icons a claim to individual intellectual autonomy: "Interpret the text without changing it." The note on the funeral cult emphasizes the "Protestant" ethic of this new social class: success in life (m¡n¡) as a sign of divine election 101 (¢zw.t n.t n†r). It thus becomes clear that the funeral cult, itself a symptom of God's choice, "is more useful to the one who practices it than to the one for whom it is practiced"; since literature is dieseitsorientert, it becomes clear that "it is the dead who help the one left on earth" and not the other way around. § 4. Intertextuality and reception in loyalist literature As we have seen previously, the dialogue between the content of a text and its formal structure and the intracultural recognition of its paradigmatic value are two basic components of literary genres, along with fiction. That the reception of loyalist literature was the highest among Egyptian "cultural texts" is evidenced by the large number of copies in which it is handed down: in addition to the Sehetepibre™ stele, three papyri and about seventy ostraca for "Loyalist Instructions". ", seven papyri and more than 200 ostraca for "The instruction of the man to his son 104". But the textual universe of this literature, its connections with other forms of literary discourse, require more attention. 98

Wr¡ ¢zw.t n.t n†r ™£ ∞sf≠f r-s¡ "God's grace is great and his punishment is mighty": Fecht, ZĘS 105 (1978), § 4, 7–8 and p. 32; Assmann, in Studies in the Life Sciences of the Ancient Egypts, p.31 ("response to the other's prior judgment in the sense of recognition, praise, and blessing"); idem, Maat, p.260 et seq. 99 Loyal Instructions § 2.8 w¢™ mdt nn snm. The phrase w¢™ †zz.t "to unravel what is bound" is common in other Middle Kingdom texts, cf. Faulkner, Concise Dictionary, s.v. Thanks to Richard Parkinson for drawing my attention to this sentence. 100 loyal

instruction § 5.7.

101 Loyalist Instruction, § 4.7. The same concept is also present in The Teaching of Man.

to are § 3.8 ∂∂≠f ¡b≠f n mr(¡.w).n≠f “He [ie. god] gives his heart to those he loves. See also Blumenthal, in Festschrift Ägyptisches Museum Berlin, page 58. 102 Loyal Instruction § 14.11 [£∞ n] ¡rr r ¡rrw n≠f. 103 Leal Instruction § 14.12 ¡n ßmw mk¡ ¢r¡-t£; cf. Posener, Loyalist Enseignement, pp. 49–50. 104 Roccati, Egyptian Sapienza, pp. 89–90, 97–98.


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Antonio Loprieno, Loyalty to the king, to God, to yourself

On the Middle Kingdom stele of Sehetepibre™, praise of the loyal appears in a funerary context and is combined with references to the Mysteries of Osiris at Abydos; Generally speaking, the text is mainly jenseitsorientiert. In the italicized copies, the eulogy appears in a longer version and precedes an even longer section devoted to the author's relationship with his offspring and with various categories of human groups, especially the working class; the setting is clearly dieseitsorientiert. This internal textual conflict should be understood as a manifestation of the general tendency of Egyptian literary genres to gradually move out of non-literary contexts, as we have seen with the fictionalization of autobiographical genre motifs in Middle Kingdom lore and narrative. In the same way that the appearance of theological issues in Middle Kingdom literature precedes by several centuries the exploration of overt theology in New Kingdom "personal piety" or the expression of the debate between individual and society in autobiographies of the Old Kingdom. Only later did it spread to entire literary genres, stories about gods, that is, precedents ante105. It should be noted that the only literary text that was probably created in the Middle Kingdom that uses religious material, that is, to characterize the entire literary genre. Several other features help to isolate "Hymn to the Nile" from the religious context in the strict sense and transfer it to the realm of literature: the narrative structure, the universalist message, the relative lack of references to the constellations and, above all, the formal and evocative structure. ideal connections between the Nile 108 and the King. In many respects, a very similar analysis applies to hymnic and loyalist royal wisdom: instead of a god, the king is used as the fictitious addressee of a literary work, but this can only be done through a kind of "appropriation." " of 105 An

an example is the famous homosexual episode of the Horus-Seth myth in the Illahun papyrus: F.Ll. Griffith, Petri Papyrus. Kahun and Gurob Hieratic Papyri (London, 1898), pl. 3, VI. 106 Cf. D. van der Plas, Hymn to the crew of the Nile, Egyptologische Uitgaven 4 (Leiden, 1986), pp. 187-90 to date the text to the early New Kingdom. 107 Ibid., pp. 57 et seq. 108 Ibid., pp. 101-1 186–87. 109 Posener, Literature and Politics, pp. 117–40.


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Gendivine or the royal sphere by literary dialogue actors. Purely religious texts do not allow such a requisition of the royal or divine sphere by an individual author: they describe an ontologically superior being in an ideological way, they do not relate to it interpersonally. A characteristic feature of Egyptian texts is the influence of the formal setting of the text on its message. The same social class of literary "readers" present themselves with aristocratic timidity in loyal praise for the king, but adopt a tone of religious humility when, as in "Instruction to the Son" and related texts, the object of human devotion becomes n †r: does this term refer to a king, an unspecified god, or a deliberate crossover between the two, as suggested above? Once again, the textual form determines the ideological framework: in Sinuhé, the "current" hymns and the letter addressed to the king are full of references to the icons of the official theology of the constellations, while in the more reflective fragments, " mimetics", the hero proclaims a direct relationship with (their) god. A useful parallel is provided by the comparison between the "Hymn to Senwosret III" of 112 Illahun, which can be compared with the loyal fragments of the Sehetepibre™ stela, and the "Hymn to the Nile", more similar to "Instructions of man to his Son". While the universalist tone of the latter text recognizes the mimetic god of the Nile as the nucleus and symbol of all creation, the earlier texts share with contemporary biographies (Mentuhotep, Khnumhotep, Sarenput, etc.) the current ideal of the king as defender of the Egypt against internal and external enemies. The literary genre is similar, but the textual form and its intertextual connections show greater compatibility with contemporary monumental discourse. Although, on the one hand, the genres, to be classified as "literary", must show a later reception -which seems to limit the literary potential of monumental texts-, their textual forms seem less bound by nature110. the instruction ¡ny.t "refrain" in the hymns of Senwosret III, or the replacement of the loyal nzw "king" by the more personal n†r "god" (whom I do not necessarily identify with the king, see above) in "A man's warning to his son": Kitchen, OrAnt 8 (1969), p.193; Posener, in Studien zu altägyptischen Lebenslehren, pp. 307–16. 111 Cf. Ashmolean Museum text 1964.489 and maxims from pRamesseum II: J. Barns, Five Ramesseum Papyri (Oxford, 1956), pls. 7–9, 11–14; Brunner, Altägyptische Weisheit, pp. 193–95. 112 Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, Text 1–3, Pl. 1–3; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I, pp. 198–201; Doctor. Law, Magic and Politics. A propos de l'hymne à Sésostris III', CoE 62 (1987), pp. 21–29. 113 On the difference between "type" and "form", see J. Assmann, “Der literarische Text im Alten Ägypten. Versuch einer Begriffsbestimmung', OLZ 69 (1974), pp. 117–26; idem, Ägyptische Hymnen und Gebete, pp. 6–25, 78–94.


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the material through which they are made public: all Middle Kingdom cotextual forms, including narrative, are also documented epigraphically. § 5 Loyalty to the Divine versus Loyalty to the Human King The last point concerns the ontological nature of the king as presented in loyalist literature, which has deeper similarities to the hero of the Königsnovelle than to the theological assumption of the king as God. A one-sided reading of the expression "good shepherd" should be avoided, as it may refer to a god not specified in literary texts (such as 117 pWestin's reference to humanity as "divine flock" in Merikare™, 118 119 automotive literature, and loyalist, but also to the bourgeoisie as the engine of a new social class whose private form of expression is the literature of the Middle Kingdom (as in the "loyalist Instruction"). Parallel to the admission of god in the individual sphere, the king seems to be humanized by the literary milieu and in some way "appropriated" by the literary public.This is clearly verbalized in the "Instructions of Amenemhat": the king of Middle Kingdom literature himself oscillates121 between the two poles of n†r who participates in the divine constellations 122 and dialectically connected with the life of his people, who 114

With the advent of "proletarian" literature at the time of the Ramesids, the situation changes radically: epigraphic texts continue to follow the classical model, according to which the same genre can be transmitted in monumental or cursive form: for example, texts on the Battle of Qadesh: Thu. von der Way, Die Textüberlieferung Ramesses II. zur Qades-Schlacht, HĘB 22 (Hildesheim, 1984), pp. 1–20. Fiction, on the other hand, even if it refers to historical motives, is transmitted only in manuscript form: for example, H. Goedicke, The Quarrel of Apophis and Seqenenre™ (San Antonio, 1986); ibid., "The Conquest of Joppa", CoE 43 (1968), pp. 219–233. 115 See

and Posener, Literatura i Polityka, p.136 et seq.: "the person of the king, who here is sublime without the help of theology". 116 D. Müller, “The Good Shepherd. A contribution to the history of Egyptian rhetoric”, ZĘS 86 (1961), pp. 126–44. 117 See already discussed Merikare™ E 130-131 "Humanity well cared for, flock of God: for them he created heaven and earth." 118 In pWestcar 8, 17 it is called humanity

t£ ™w.t ßps.t "noble flock", obviously god. As in the Ashmolean Museum text 1964.489: Barns, JEA 54 (1968), pp. 71–76, text A, line 3 [¢t]p r≠k n†r≠k mß™.w≠f ™.w wn∂ .wt ≠f r∂¡.n≠f n≠k st flr-s.t ¢r≠ k "May your god be pleased with you: his orders and the condition of his cattle - he has placed them under your responsibility." 120 Cf. the already discussed loyalist instruction § 14, 1-2 “Fight for the people in all situations: they are useful herds to his master”; see also Müller, ZĘS 86 (1961), page 133 sgg. 121 W. Helck, Der Text der "Lehre Amenemhets I. für seinen Sohn from him", Kleine Ägyptische Texte (Wiesbaden, 1969), Id ∞ ™ ¡m n † r "He appears like a god!"; see E. Blumenthal, "Die Lehre des Königs Amenemhet (Part I)", ZĘS 111 (1984), page 87. 122 Ibid., XVj r-gs ¢m≠k; Blumenthal, ZĘS 111 (1984), page 93. 119


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they are his mr¡.w "subordinates", but also his snn.w "images". Far from being the inspiration for propaganda literature, the king of loyal teachings appears more as a dialectical model for his people, a new intellectual elite that emerged from the crisis of the Memphis state and that discovered in literary discourse a valve to express your concerns. Even the king, like his subjects, moves between the expectation of loyalty and the reality of loyalty, between the presentation of his role and self-presentation through literature, between the actual expression of participation in divinity and the need for it. mimetic participation in destiny. Of humanity.



Ibid., IIIb ¢r-ntt nn wnn mr¡.w n z¡ hrww n¡ qsn.t "Because there is no one to support in the day of infamy"; Blumenthal, ZĘS 111 (1984), page 87. 124 Ibid., Va snn.w≠¡™n∞.w pzß.w≠¡ m rm†.w “You, my living images, my human party”; see Blumenthal, ZĘS 111 (1984), pp. 88–89.


39 MALEK Page 553 Thursday, July 22, 2004 1:39 PM

"Relief of the Coregency" of Akhenaten and Smenkhkare of Memphis

Jaromir Malek


Professor W. K. Simpson has always been a good friend of the Topographical Bibliography, and this little diversion is offered in thanks for the kindness received from him in the past and with good wishes for many years to come. It was Thebes that witnessed the first movements of the "revolution" in Amarna. Continuing the chess metaphor, in the middle game, 1 of Akhenaten's fifth year, the action shifted to El-Amarna. The North only became significantly involved in the endgame, most of which was played out under his successors; The role of Memphis, the ancient capital of the country in almost every way except religion, was strangely unimportant for most of Akhenaten's reign. This was in stark contrast to the situation in Thebes, but this turn of events was not unexpected. The ultimate success or failure of the new order depended on whether its ideology would maintain its position in Egypt's most important religious center, and the resulting move to El-Amarna can be seen as an early harbinger of the difficulties to come. Memphis's turn came when the court returned there under Tutankhamun. Construction of a temple to the Aten at Memphis must have begun shortly after Akhenaten's fifth year. The temple was probably quite modest. He seems to have been called £∞-n-⁄tn, after the king himself, and is suggested to have been at Kom el-Qal'a, some 6,750 m south-east of the traditional temple of Ptah. It was still attested during the reign of Setos I, but was probably dismantled and its blocks reused in structures built at Memphis by Ramesses II. It is probable that the pylons of the Ramesside temples of Memphis were filled with 1 This

it is the "pre-announcement" date on the border stelae at El-Amarna. Stelae have recently been studied by WJ Murnane and C.C. Van Siclen III, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten (London and New York, 1993). 2 B. Löhr, "A∞anja-ti in Memphis", SAK 2 (1975), pp. 139–87. 3

C. Traunecker, in "Thebes - Memphis: some perceptions", in: A.-P. Zivie, ed., Memphis and its necropolises in the New Empire (Paris, 1988), págs. 97–102.

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of talatat, like their counterparts at Karnak, Luxor and El8 Ashmunein. 9 One of the Memphite talatats is believed to provide evidence of Akhenaten's coregency with another young king, generally identified 10 as Smenkhkare. Joseph Hekekyan found it along with several other Amarna blocks during excavations of it at Mit Rahina in early July 1854. Three reused paving blocks were discovered at no. 52 on "seventy-two pits dug between the excavation of 11 3 colossi and the southern edge of Mount Khonsou." It was near Kom Khanzir, in the northeast part of the fence surrounding 4A.

a letter sent to Amenhotep IV by Governor Ipa, dated year 5, month 3 prt, day 19, mentions only the temple of Ptah. Meryty-neit, the steward of the temple of the Aten (Sakkara tomb, PM III2, p. 666), was able to keep the name of the goddess Neith (later changed to Meryty-re or Meryty-aten) in his name while associated with the Memphite temple of Aten. This must have occurred relatively early in Akhenaten's reign, as such a feat would have been nearly impossible once exclusivist tendencies became more pronounced. Two of the reused Amarna blocks found at Memphis and discussed below contain an early form of the name Aten (Sir C. Nicholson, "On Some Remains of Disc Worshippers Discovered at Memphis", Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., 2 Ser ix (1870) (repr. Nicholson, Aegyptiaca), pls. 1 [no. 2a, 3, 7], 2; PM iii2, p. 839). The same primitive name appears on the Kom el-Qal "stele" (A. Mariette, Monuments divers, etc. [Paris, 1872], pl. 34 [e]; PM iii2, p. 862) and on a fragment of a statue, also from Memphis, now in Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Æ.I.N. 1144 (M. Mogensen, La Collection égyptienne [Copenhagen, 1930], p. 6, pl. iii [A 7]; PM iii2, p. 863). The early form of the Aten name was probably used until 8 or 9 (B. Gunn, "Notes on the Aten and his names", JEA 9 [1923], pp. 171-172), perhaps even somewhat later (Murnane and Van Siclen, op.cit., p.213). 5 Relief in Sydney, Nicholson Museum, R. 1143, Sir C. Nicholson, op. cit., pp. 197-214 (pp. 117-34 of reprint), pls. 1 [No. 2a, 7], 2; PM III2, page 839. 6 See my contribution to the collection of papers presented at the British Museum colloquium in July 1994, edited by S. Quirke, The Temple in Ancient Egypt: New Discoveries and Recent Research, forthcoming. 7 pRollin 1882 = Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 213, fragment a, recto 4, W. Spiegelberg, Rechnungen aus der Zeit Setis I. (Strasbourg, 1896), pp. 29, 73–74, p. xvi. 8 A relief was found on the pylon of the small temple of Ptah, L. Habachi in R. Anthes, Mit Rahineh 1956 (Philadelphia, 1965), p.65 pl. 23 [c, left]; PM III2, p.844, and another in the great temple of Ptah, transferred to the SCA warehouse at Mit Rahina, L.L. Dizzying, D.G. Jeffreys and J. Malek, "Memphis, 1989", JEA 76 (1990), p. 4. The pylon core of this temple was examined by the EES team (LL Giddy, K. Eriksson, J. Malek) in the fall 1994, JEA 81 (1995), forthcoming. Although a test trench along the south wing of the pylon has provided sufficient evidence for the reuse of Old Kingdom relief blocks, as well as other relief blocks, possibly from the 18th Dynasty, more specifically the reign of Amenhotep III, it has not been found. tallates have been found. However, the core of the pylon was stripped of all removable blocks to the point that only very large or difficult-to-remove fragments were left intact by Islamic masons. 9 Present

location unknown; PM III2, page 839. Dawson and E.P. Uphill, Who Was Who in Egyptology (London, 1972), p. 138–39. See J. Malek, "Monuments Registered by Alice Lieder at the 'Temple of Vulcan' at Memphis in May 1853," JEA 72 (1986), pp. 103-104, for Hekekyan's work in Mit Rahina. 10 WR


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a large memorial temple of Ptah, built by Ramesses II. The "rescue of the coregency" came from a short distance: "In one of the pits in the immediate vicinity of pit No. 52, a stone block {w} was found occupying the same level as gallery No. 52, showing according to to the 13" design (fig. 1a). Another block found in the same area seems to have contained the cartridges of Smenkhkare and Merytaten. A summary of this discovery was contained in a paper on the Amarna period read by Sir Charles Nicholson before the Royal Literary Society some fourteen years later in 1868. Drawings. Plate 1 by Nicholson shows the "coregency relief" (Fig. 1b) with a plan and section of the Horner (= Hekekyana) trench, the other four blocks and a reconstruction of the scene with one of the bas-reliefs, which it is also shown in an exact copy on plate 2. No doubt the drawings on pl. 1 were based on Hekekyan's notes sent to Leonard Horner, in whose name and on behalf of the Geological Society the excavations were carried out (albeit funded by the Egyptian government). Nicholson claims that the bas-relief on his plate 2, 16, drawn by Joseph Bonomi, was given to him by Hekekyan. It is unlikely that Bonomi could inspect any of the other talatatas, but it is almost certain that he was also the author of the published plate 1. The "co-regency relief" copy in Sir John Gardner's papers 17 Wilkinson 1c) is secondary , derived from the Hekekyan works, and 11

Hekekyan MSS. To add 37452, 286. There are three decorated blocks on the pl. Nicholson. 1 [no. 2], with Aten cartouches in one of them shown separately under no. 3 on the same disc. 12 DG Jeffreys, The Survey of Memphis and (London, 1985), Fig. 7, JH 1854. 13 Hekekyan MSS. To add 37452, 289. I am grateful to the British Library for permission to reproduce a redrawn version of Hekekyan's copy and to Mrs M.E. Cox for preparing this and other drawings for publication. 14 from Nicholson, op. cit., pl. 1 [no. 4]. 15 from Nicholson, op. appointment 16 op. cites P. 199 (rep. p. 119). Nicholson's introduction to the 1891 reprint of his article (Aegyptiaca, p. 115) suggests that he owned all of the Amarna period fragments discussed in it, and that they were located in Sydney. This is unlikely to be correct (see J.R. Harris, "Nefernefruaten Regnans", Acta Orientalia 36 [1974], p. 18, no. 28). That only one of the published copies was made of the original monument, and that this passage was singled out elsewhere in Nicholson's original text as being in his possession, are two strong arguments against this. More than thirty years after his trip to Egypt, and some twenty years after the first publication of his article, Nicholson's memory may not have been perfect. 17 Papers by Gardner Wilkinson in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Section B:24 XIII, page 78 [below], courtesy of the National Trust. I am grateful to Mrs. M. Clapinson, Curator of Western Manuscripts, and Mr. C.G. Harris for help. Sir John Gardner Wilkinson saw Hekekyan's notes in Cairo, probably in late March or early April 1856.


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Dig. 1. a = Hekekian MSS. To add 37452, 289, in London, British Library, with kind permission. b = Sir C. Nicholson, Aegyptiaca, pl. 1 [no. 5]. c = Gardner Wilkinson Papers, Section B: 24 XIII, page 78 [below], Oxford, Bodleian Library, courtesy of the National Trust. All redrawn by ME Cox.


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it has no independent value as a source of information. The drawing of the 18 articles by Charles Edwin Wilbour is based on an illustration from Nicholson's article. Bonomi seems to have very convincingly "corrected" the rough and finished sketch of the Hekekyan 19 bas-relief. The right side of the larger figure has been muted and his obese belly censored rather sanctimoniously by omission. However, most of the adjustments referred to a smaller number. Urea was added to his forehead and the shape of the "Amarna skull" was modified to suggest the shape of a blue crown. What looks like a somewhat vaguely outlined sash attached to a fan, but which may be the incomprehensible outline of a tunic sleeve, has been transformed into the serpentine crown. The large disc-shaped earring was omitted. The figure, of largely unspecified gender in the original sketch, was draped in a frilly robe and turned into a handsome young man. The metamorphosis was already complete. Interestingly, a boundary line has been added near the far left of the block. Without hesitation, Nicholson identified the smaller figure as "belonging to a family of which we have such striking images at Tell el Amarna." L. Borchardt further developed this idea. He suggested that these were Akhenaten and Smenkhkare and cited [Ankh-]kheperu[-re] (Smenkhkare) cartouches in one of the remaining 20 blocks to support this identification. More cautiously, H. Schäfer doubted21 that the drawing was precise enough to guarantee such certainty,22 but the theory was accepted and developed by P.E. Newberry in his 23rd opinion piece. He later received the support of G. Roeder. Scholars continued to cite this bas-relief, albeit selectively, but no convincing objection could be raised against the monument, which was known only from Nicholson's illustrations. JR Harris and B. Löhr expressed doubts about its credibility. WJ Murnane, believing that 18

Wilbour's MSS. 3C, 239, in the Brooklyn Museum. I am grateful to Dr. Richard A. Fazzini, Chairman of the Department of Egyptian, Classical, and Ancient Near Eastern Art, for a copy of this site. I also want to thank Dr. Donald Spanel for help. 19 Bonomi drawings cited by J.R. Harris, op. cit., p.18 n.28, are currently not available. Notes taken by R.L.B. Moss, who saw them in 1958, suggests that they are the original drawings used in Nicholson's publication. 20 "Aus der Arbeit an den Funden von Tell el-Amarna", MDOG 57 (1917), page 10, ab. 7. 21 "Altes und Neues zur Kunst und Religion von Tell el-Amarna", ZĘS 55 (1918), p. 20, ab. 24. 22 "Akhnaten

eldest son-in-law of "Ankhcheprure," JEA 14 (1928), pp. 8–9, fig. 3. and King Smench-ka-Rê (18th Dynasty), ZĘS 83 (1958), pp. 47. 24 op. cit., pp. 18-1 25 p.m. cit., pp. 155-57. 23" heir to the throne


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the identification of the second character as Smenkhkare was provided by the adjacent block 27, implying that the original "non-royal" character Smenkhkare had been reworked to reflect his new royal status. This is a brilliant but purely speculative theory and there is no real evidence to support it. Once we realize that the published drawing bears only a vague resemblance to the relief, the problem ceases to exist. The scene showed, in typical Amarna style, a large figure, probably Akhenaten or Nefertiti, and behind her was a smaller-scale fan. The fan has a long staff ending in a papyrus canopy with an attached ostrich feather. It was a utilitarian tool as well as a rank mark, and many examples can be found in Amarna art. The sex of the minor figure in the "co-regency" cannot be determined with certainty. Royal bridesmaids carrying fans, but preceded by men with parasols, you can see, for example, the bas-relief of 29 Ashmunein, which was in the collection of N. Schimmel. Handmaids of the royal family, provided with fans and sash, stand in groups or are driven in carts at the Amarna tombs. However, all these ladies wear wigs. If Hekekyan accurately recorded the shape of the skull of the smaller figure on the "co-regency relief", this person could have been an Amarna princess. The daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti wave their fans vigorously in the tomb of Huya at El31 Amarna (or carried on the shoulder by Nefer's sister32 33 Titi, Mutnedjmet, in the tombs of Panehesy, Parennufer, 34 35 36 Tutu, Ay and anonymous tomb twenty-one) . However, the princesses (as well as

26 Old

Egyptian Corregencies (Chicago, 1977), p. 173 of the n. 313. It is not. The block with the supposed names Smenkhkare and Merytaten are not adjacent. 28 C. Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti (The Brooklyn Museum, 1973), page 124 [44] of the drawing; PM ii2, page 190. 29 G. Roeder and R. Hanke, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, ii (Hildesheim, 1969), page 404 [P.C. 15], pl. 172. 30 For example, Meryre, N. of G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna I (London, 1903), pls. x, xix, xxi - xxii, xxiv - xxvi, xxx and so on. 31 Ibid. III (London, 1905), pl. XVIII. 32 Ibid. II (London, 1905), pls. VII, VIII. 33 Ibid. VI (London 1908), pl. II. 34 Ibid., please. XVI, XVII. 35 Ibid., pl. XXVI. 36 Ibid. V (London, 1908), pl. XVI. 27


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Mutnedjmet) wear side locks instead of clean-shaven heads, although the latter was common in three-dimensional sculpture. Male fan-bearers are also well attested in Amarna art, with large disc-shaped earrings worn by both men and women. Umbrella-wielding royals sometimes shave their heads, but fan-wielding men invariably wear wigs. I suggest that the "correction" has nothing to do with Akhenaten and Smenkhkara, and the whole idea is based on a misinterpretation of the scene. The ultimate test would be to examine the monument itself. Unfortunately, the chances of surviving the limestone bas-relief exposed to the Mit Rahina environment are slim, but could be better if Hekekyan were to move it to safety. We can only hope it turns out to be true.



40 MANUELIÁN Page 561 Thursday, July 22, 2004 13:47

Roll Presentation: Papyrus Documents on Old Kingdom Funeral Scenes

Pedro Der Manueliana


As the following comments on the presentation of the papers gathered, I reflected on the dozens of monographic "papers" that William Kelly Simpson had produced for the Egyptological community. His books include excavation reports of the Nubia rescue campaign, several volumes of translations of hieratic papyri, synthesis on the significance and monuments of Abydos, manuals on Egyptian history and literature, and supplements to Reisner's Old Kingdom mastabas excavations. in Giza. The last category is the subject of additional comments. The honoree will recognize many scenes from Old Kingdom private tombs, which he published in his own Giza Mastabas volumes. Let them bring you fond memories. One of the most interesting aspects of the society's experience is its concept of documentation and communication. In many ancient civilizations it is impossible to observe how information is recorded and then shared between individuals, but in the case of Egypt, the well-preserved material culture reveals much about it. In the private repertoire of Old Kingdom tomb decorations, there is a scene in which an official gives the owner of the tomb a document regarding some aspect of his property (fig. 1) 1. This is one of many scenes that at first glance appear to be identical from one tomb to another, but upon closer examination reveal great variation.

1 These scenes should not be confused with representations of sacrificial rituals in which priests participated

Dig. 1. Presenter of documents of the north thickness of the entrance to the tomb of Merib in Giza (g 2100-1). Photo by K.-H. Priest

sometimes they recite formulas from a papyrus document in front of them (eg, Nyhetep-Ptah, Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 71 b = A. Badawy, The Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah at Giza and the Tomb of ™Ankhm ™hor at Saqqara [Berkeley, 1978], pl.7). For general comments on documents in ancient Egypt, see J. ◊ern≈, Paper and Books in Ancient Egypt; inaugural lecture delivered at University College London, May 29, 1947 (London, 1952), Wolfgang Helck, Altägyptische Aktenkunde des 3. und 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr., MĘS 31 (Berlin, 1974) and P. Der Manuelian, "An Essay on Document Transmission: N¡-k£-™n∞ and the Early ¢ryw rnpt", JNES 45 (1986), pp. 1–18. The issue of literacy among the Egyptian population was discussed by John Baines and C.J. Eyre, "Four Notes on Literacy," GM 61 (1983), pp. 65–96, with bibliography, and by John Baines, "Ancient Egyptian Literacy and Society," Man, N.S. 18 (1983), pp. 572–99.

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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

To better understand this scene as a small aspect of information exchange in ancient Egypt, a collection of more than eighty examples from Giza, Saqqara, and various provincial cemeteries was compiled for analysis.2 The results summarized below focus on location of the document. presentation scene in decorated private tombs of the Old Kingdom, composition of the scene, including the titles and associations of the presenter of the document with the owner of the tomb, the texts and grammatical forms contained in the accompanying titles, the form and the content of the papyrus document, the poses of the presenter and a discussion on the chronological development of the scene3. Presentation Scene Location The document presentation scene can appear almost anywhere in the tomb where there is a large figure of the deceased. Often the scene occurs in the thicknesses of the entrance doors of the chapel, but examples inside the chapel are also common. Occurrences of the chapel walls are not limited to any particular wall, but instead occur on any of the four walls, north, south, east, or west. The owner of the recipient's grave In none of the examples collected is the presenter of the document a woman, but in at least four cases the owner of the recipient's grave is a woman. Two of them are among the earliest known examples of this scene. Her poses are always standing with her feet together. It is attested that she crosses a hand over her chest (Hemet-re) or smells a flower with one hand while the other remains empty (Meresankh III) or holds a bird (Idut). By far the most common pose displayed to the male receiver of 2 For

permission to view documentation from Harvard University - Museum of Fine Arts, Boston to Giza Expedition. I am also grateful to Henry G. Fischer and Edward Brovarski for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article. 3 This study is limited to document presenters only. He omits scenes in which the officials actually inscribe their papyri or use other forms of scribal equipment. For more general comments on administrative and other responsibilities in the Old Kingdom, see Christopher J. Eyre, "Work and the Organization of Work in the Old Kingdom," in Marvin A. Powell, ed., Labor in the Ancient Near East (New Haven, Connecticut, 1987), pp. 5–47. On the profession of writing, cf. Patrizia Piacentini, "Les scribs dans la société égyptienne de l'Ancien Empire", Abstracts of articles. Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, Cambridge, 3-9 September 1995 (Oxford, 1995), page 141. 4 Meresankh III (g 7530–7540): Dows Dunham and William Kelly Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, Giza Mastabas 1 (Boston, 1974), p. 2c, Figure 3b; Hemet-re: Selim Hassan, Excavations at Gîza 6, vol. 3, 1934–1935 (Cairo, 1950), page 56, fig. 40; Idut: R. Macramallah, Le Mastaba d'Idout (Cairo, 1935), pl. twenty; Khentkaues, Junker, Giza 7, page 73, fig. 31 (the upper part of the figure is damaged). For discussions of women and literacy, see John Baines and C.J. Eyre, "Literacy in Ancient Egypt," GM 61 (1983), pp. 81–85.


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the owner of the grave is standing, with a staff in his "front" hand, and a handkerchief in his "back" hand. While the presenter always extends the document to one person, often more than one person is present on this occasion. The tomb owner may appear alone, with a small child holding a staff, or with their spouse and/or children "behind". Often the recipient sits on a simple lion- or bull-footed chair, in an elaborate booth5 or even on a bunk6. It seems that the number of people shown does not depend on the nature of the scene, or whether it is appropriate or inappropriate. presence of individuals, but rather the amount of space available on the wall of the tomb. Like many scenes in the Old Kingdom repertoire, the document presentation scene is not usually provided with hieroglyphic legends7. So it had to be understood that the presenter of the document offered the tomb owner a list of products or other similar items. (S). The presence or absence of a specific hieroglyphic signature is not related to the presence or absence of a more general description of the scene that refers directly to the large-scale figure of the owner of the tomb. The most common text for general legends refers to the following general theme: m££ (sß n) n∂t-¢r/prt-∞rw ¡nnt m n¡wwt n pr ∂t… towns belonging to the sepulchral patrimony…” 8. Titles of document presenters There are a number of titles very close to document presenters, of which very few in the analyzed corpus indicate any filial relationship with 5 Werirni: N. de G Davies, The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Saïd (London, 1901), please 15-16; Isi: Davies, The Rock Tombs of Deir el-Gebrâwi 2 (London, 1902), pl. 19; a standing couple appears in a booth in the tomb of Neferiretenef at Saqqara: B. van de Walle, La Chapelle funéraire de Neferirtenef (Brussels, 1978), pl. 12; the owner of the tomb sits alone in Pepiankh-hery-ib: A.M. Blackman, The Rock Tombs of Meir 4 (London, 1924), pl. 15. 6 Chnuments (g 2374), room 1, east wall; Brovarski, Giza Mastabas, in preparation. Thanks to the author for making this unpublished material available. 7 Earlier lists of the presentation scene Siegfried Schott et al., Bücher und Bibliotheken im alten Ägypten (Wiesbaden, 1990), p.332, no. 1503; Luise Klebs, Die Reliefs des alten Reiches (2980–2475 v. Chr.) (Heidelberg, 1915; reprint Hildesheim, 1982), page 23 ("VI. Bericht der Beamten") and page 19, fig. 8, page 24, fig. 12. 8 Compare the following variants: Merib, Giza g 2100–1: Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 22c; Sekhemankhptah, Giza g 7152: Alexander Badawy, The Tombs of Iteti, Sekhem™nkh-Ptah and Kaemnofret at Giza (Berkeley, 1976), fig. 29 = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 91c; Iymery, Giza g 6020: Kent Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, Giza Mastabas 5 (Boston, 1994), fig. 26–27, p. 12b = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 49a; Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, Saqqara: A.M. Moussa and H. Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep (Mainz am Rhein, 1977), fig. 13. Interesting inversion in the tomb of Ptah-hotep at Saqqara, where the phrases are oriented towards "seers" (m££) and "bearers" (¡nt), see discussion of inversions below.


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deceased. Our research shows that the presentation of documents was not a function specifically reserved for family members, such as the role of se(te)m-priest9. The certified titles of the assembled persons presenting the documents are: Title


¡mi-r pr


¡mi-r ¢m(w)-k£

overseer of mortuary priests b

wednesday to friday

hereditary prince

¡ry m∂£t

stored document

∞tmy s†¡-¢b

festival perfume sealer

volar-¢b smsw

the oldest professor, Fr.

s £ nswt

king song

s£≠f smsw mry≠f fly-tp nswt

his eldest and beloved son at the king's head

s£b ¡mi-r sss

judge, foreman of the scribes

s£b sss

magistrate, scribe

s£b s¢∂ sß

magistrate, notary inspector

s£b sß ¢mw-k£

magistrate, clerk, inspector of mortuary priests l

sn-∂t s£b sß

brother of goods, judge, scribe

s¢∂ sß ™ nswt (sß) ™prw ¡my-r ¢m(w)-k£ inspector of royal scribes, (scribe) of workers, supervisor of mortuary priestsn sß

I'm writing

sß ™ nswt s£≠f

royal scribe of documents, his son

sß ¢m-k£ pr-™£

scribe of the funerary priests of the palace

sß ¢m-k£

scribe, funeral parson

ßps-nswt smr pr

royal nobleman, housemate

ßps-nswt s¢∂ ¢m(w)-n†r

royal nobleman, inspector of the funeral parson

...-n†r s¢∂ sß

... (priest?), inspector of scribes


There are few cases of presentation of documents by the sons of the owner of the tomb: son of Nofer Setek (g 4761): Junker, Gîza 6, p.36, fig. 5; Sons of Khaf-Khufu I, Wetka and Iunk (g. 7130-7140): W.K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, Giza Mastabas 3 (Boston, 1978), pp. 12 and 13, p. 17b, figure. 29; and son of Nisut-nefer, Kaherisetef (g 4970): Junker, Gîza 3, page 169, fig. thirty; Badawy, Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah, page 32, fig. 41, p. 54 (deleted). cf. Luise Klebs on the presentation of documents by the children, Die Reliefs des alten Reichs, p. 23: "The record of all these things is written on a large papyrus scroll and is presented to the Lord to be read by the scribe or official or by one of his sons...".


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a Pisarz: Davies, Sheikh Said, pl. sixteenth; Perneb (Sakkara; work in the Metropolitan Museum of Art): Caroline Ransom-Williams, The Decoration of the Tomb of Per-Neb (Nowy Jork, 1932), pl. 6, WC Hayes, Egyptian Stone 1 (New York, 1953), p. 92, ryc. 51; Hemeter (Giza): Hassan, Giza 1934-1935, p. 56, ryc. 40; Seneb (Giza): Junker, Giza 5, s. 89, ryc. 22; Khunes (Zawiyet el-Meitin): Lepsius, Thinking Maeler 2, pl. 105a, 107; Rashepses (sugar): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 64a; Kagemni (Saqqara): F. von Bissing, The Master of the Gem-ni-kai 1 (Berlin, 1905), pls. 12-13; Chief (Success): Henry Wild, Grobowiec Chief. Caplica (Kair, 1965, 1966), pls. 44, 167; Mereruka (Success): Prentice Duell i in. al., The Mastaba of Mereruka 1 (Chicago, 1938), pl. 51; Fetekta (south of Abusir): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 96; Meresankh III (Giza): Dunham and Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, p. 20, ryc. 12; Rabbits (Giza; obecnie in Wiedniu): Junker, Giza 2, p. 153, ryc. 19; Tjenti (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 30, idem, Easter Sunday, pl. 26; Idut (Giza): Macramallah, Idut, pl. 20; Za-ib (Giza): A.M. Roth, A Cemetery of Palace Attendants, Giza Mastabas 6 (Boston, 1995), p. 110, procedure. 68b and 172c; P. Munro, Popular Relations of Nebet and Khenut (Mainz am Rhine, 1993), p. 66 pl. 38.b

Khentkaues (Giza): Junker, Giza 7, page 73, fig. 31; Iymery (Giza): Weeks, Cemetery mastabas G 6000, fig. 26–27, pl. 12b; Meresankh III (Giza): Dunham and Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, pl. 2c, figures 3b and 12.c Irenre (Khenkaus [Abusir] band): M. Verner, Abusir III, The Pyramid Complex of Khentkaus (Prague, 1995), p. 70, 86 (90/A/78). d Neferherenptah (Giza, g 4311): unpublished, MFA 37–7–21, photograph of expedition B 8903; and our figs 5 (no. 8) and 8. and Merib (Giza, c. 2100–1): K.-H. Priese, The Creation Chamber of Merib (Berlin, 1984), p. 46, 48; Junker, Giza 2, page 128, fig. 11; Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 22 b.f Qar (Giza): W.K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Qar and Idu, Giza Mastabas 2 (Boston, 1976), page 9 and fig. 28. g Khaf-Khuf I (Giza): William Kelly Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khaf-Khuf I and II, Giza Mastabas 3 (Boston, 1978), p. 107–100. 12-13, pl. 17b, figure. 29. h Ptah-hotep I (Sakkara): Selim Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara, 1937–1938, vol. 2, Mastabas of NyTMankh-Pepy and others (Cairo, 1975), page 49 pl. 44; MOTHER. Murray, Saqqara Mastabas 1 (London, 1905), pl. 9; Henry G. Fischer, Orientation of the Hieroglyphs, Part 1, Reversals (New York, 1977), pp. 73 and 75, Figs. 76. en Kagemni (Sakkara): von Bissing, Gem-ni-kai 1, pl. 13; Senedjemib-Mehi (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 74c and Brovarski, Giza Mastamas, in preparation. j Ptah-hotep (Sakkara ls 31): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 102a. k Nofer I (Giza): Junker, Giza 6, page 37, fig. 5. l Sheshem-nofer IV (Giza): Junker, Giza 11, p.209, fig. 80. m Khnum-hotep (Giza, Fakhry No. 8): unpublished; Photo from MFA expedition A 7177; PM 3, page 213. n Ti (Sakkara): Wild, Tomb of Ti, pls. 19, 27. or Neferitef (Saccara): van de Walle, Neferitef, pl. 12; Meresankh III (Giza): Dunham and Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, page 20, fig. 12; Hemre-Isi (Deir el-Gebrawi): Davies, Deir el-Gebrawi 2, pl. 18 (image from top; damaged). p Nisut-nefer (Giza): Junker, Giza 3, p. 119, fig. 30. q Idut (Giza): Macramallah, Idut, pl. 11. Iymery (Giza): Weeks, Mastabas Cemetery G 6000,

Fig. 39, text 2100; Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 51 (without copying the text). s Hemre-Isi (Deir el-Gebrawi): Davies, Deir el-Gebrawi 2, pl. 18 (photo below, damaged). t Pepiankh-hery-ib (Meir): Blackman, Meir 4, pl. 16. in Shechemka (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 89c (miscopy?).


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Document Presenters Clothing and Equipment The presenting officer must always wear a kilt, either short (plain or pleated) or longer with a triangular pleat at the front. Occasionally carries writing kit under arm and/or has one or more pens tucked behind ear. The presenter appears first in each line of the procession that marches towards the owner of the tomb, because the presentation of the document requires his direct attention10. When a document is filed by more than one official, the individuals appear first and second in line11. In cases where the document is simply carried (rather than handed over to the grave owner), the bearers may take their place further down the line12. There is some uncertainty about the medium used to produce the document. While most of the text appears to be written on papyrus, some poses (see #5 below) suggest that the only logical object depicted is a rigid tablet or writing board. Also, if we look at the numerous scenes of scribes sitting and busy writing, we will notice that they hold their document in one arm. Unless we posit the use of a supporting board, such as a modern notepad, this position is theoretically impossible to write on papyrus, which, due to its fragile nature, must be stretched out across the scribe's cross-legged lap. Does this mean that all such scenes of scribe writing involve writing boards instead of papyrus, and if the presenter of the document is shown in the same scene, he must present the tomb owner with a rigid tablet instead of papyrus? Several examples argue against this interpretation. The tomb of Nefer and Kahay at Saqqara shows seated scribes writing, and the cradle of the first scribe's document is a partially unrolled papyrus. The scribe even allowed one end to dangle carelessly on the ground. The presenter of the document in front of the seated scribes holds a 10 This rule proves that the determined person behind the late owner of Verini's tomb in Sheikh Saïd is probably carrying a rectangular ball of cloth and not a papyrus document. Another person holds the text in front of the owner of the tomb. The canvas has been correctly identified by Davies, Sheikh Saïd, pls. 15 (clothing bearer) and 16 (document presenter). For another scene of the delivery to the tomb owner of a sheet held by two men in different registers, see Akhet-hotep's tomb in Saqqara, Christiane Ziegler, Le mastaba d'Akhethetep (Paris, 1993), pp. 34, 117. 11 Two examples appear in the tombs of Khaf-khufu I at Giza: W.K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, pp. 12 and 13, p. 17b, figure. 29 and Khunes in Zawiyet elMeitin: Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 105th. 12 An example seems to represent a scribe who not only carries a document, but also appears second in line behind a companion who delivers the vessel to the owner of the tomb. Cf. A. El-Khouli and N. Kanawati, The Old Kingdom Tombs of El-Hammamiya (Sydney, 1990), pl. 44. 1:00 p.m. Moussa and H. Altenmüller, The Tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay, Old Kingdom Tombs at the Causeway of King Unas at Sakkara, AV 5 (Mainz am Rhein, 1971), pl. 24th


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Dig. 2. Uncollated digital drawing of the north wall of the tomb of Kaninisuta at Giza (g 2155), now in Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, ÄS 8006.

shape, most likely unrolled papyrus, not a rigid writing tablet. In the Kaninisuta Chapel at Giza (d. 2155), now in Vienna, the north wall shows several seated scribes, each holding his document in one arm. But among them is another scribe with a folded, bound, and sealed papyrus document, and the strings clearly indicate that it is not a tablet (Fig. 2). A third example, from the tomb of Kanefer at Giza (g 2150, Fig. 3 No. 1), shows a seated scribe writing again on a slate(?) supported by one arm, but directly in front of him, the presenter from the document he throws out what must be the papyrus of the deceased14. The lines of the two end rollers are clearly marked and the document is not rectangular, but 14 gauge G.A. Reisner, A History of the Giza Necropolis 1 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1942), page 441, fig. 262.


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it is actually wider (i.e. unevenly developed) at one end than the other. An unevenly developed papyrus is also found in the tomb of Khafre-ankh at Giza (g 7948; see Fig. 3#2 and Fig. 9), and scribes seated nearby actually support the ends of several papyri partially and fully. expanded, which submerge and hang, verifying that they are not rigid tablets15. These examples show that there was more than one way to sit while writing on papyrus; it need not be placed solely in the tight, pleated, cross-legged kilt of the scribe. Seated scribes did use some form of support 'pad'16 or, if the 'traditional' (cross-legged) position of the scribe was too awkward to be depicted in the two-dimensional wall reliefs, except in Fig. 2 it can be modified for representation purposes17. Document Presenter Poses One may wonder if one should distinguish between document reciters and document carriers. Perhaps in some cases the official recites the document to the owner of the tomb and keeps it in his possession, while in other cases he hands over the papyrus18. Some examples even direct the descriptive caption m££sß..., "Viewing a document..." to the presenter of the document, rather than the owner of the recipient's grave (see reverses below). The variety of poses seems to suggest that both performance, recitation and presentation are possible. The verb most frequently used in the accompanying inscriptions is rd¡.t, which implies that 15 lg 75 = g 7948; see Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 9a (= photos of the MFA expeditions A 7390 [January 18, 1936] and A 7398 [January 21, 1936], both unpublished). 16 he could

such a pad may be represented by a double line in a document written by a scribe at the Kanefer scene (Giza g 2150, cf. Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, p. 441, fig. 261? 17 For examples of frontal representations with crossed legs, see A.M. Moussa and H. Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep (Mainz am Rhein, 1977), pl 54a, Fig 24 (5th Dynasty, Niuserre to Menkhauhor), John D. Cooney, "Three Early Saïte Tomb Reliefs" , JNES 9 (1950), 16 (Dynasty 26.) On the difficulty of interpreting cross-legged poses in general, see Fig. 268 = Early Egyptian Art (Oxford, 1986), pp. 251–253, with references to Junker, Gîza 3, pp. 105–109 and idem, Gîza 11, pp. 88–89 a seated man tying flax with his legs spread apart appears in the tomb of Kaemnofret at Saqqara, cf. William Kelly Simpson, The Offer Chapel of Kayemnofret in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1992, pl. of Fine Arts, Boston” in D.P. Silverman, ed., For His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer, ​​SAOC 55 (Chicago, 1994) , p. 55–78, esp. panties. 4:6–7, 4:12–13. Semi-frontal view of a crouching boy in a tomb at Saqqara cf. HG Fischer in BiOr 31 (1974), page 67, fig. 2. 18 Pepiankh-hery-ib (Meir D 2): Blackman, Meir 4, pl. 15 (does he show two documents or one document passed from hand to hand?); Werirenptah: T.G.H. James, Hieroglyphic Texts of Egyptian Stelae, etc., Part 1, 2nd Edition (London, 1961), pl. 29; Kahif (Giza g 2136): Junker, Giza 6, page 115, fig. 34, p. 6a.


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Peter Der Manuelian, Introducing the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes

the official physically delivers the document to the owner of the tomb. Other verbs used to describe the scene are £w.t 'to expand' or 'extend' and s¡™.(t) 'to utter'. As for document reciters, there are both Old and Middle Kingdom examples using the verb ßd.t, "to read". papyri. If the document bearer keeps the document himself, the wording rd¡ sß would have to refer to the presentation of the document's content, ie information. The signature rd¡t sß would have to mean something like "inform" the owner of the tomb. From the various poses, it can be inferred that the presenter in some cases reads the document aloud to the deceased, in others unfolds it to show it and discuss it with the deceased, and in still others hands it over to the deceased for later inspection. Perhaps we should understand the scene as a moment frozen in time, and the different poses may simply indicate different gestures in the same chronological process of development, perhaps reading aloud and finally handing over the papyrus to the owner of the tomb for review. . The current corpus has revealed five basic attitudes of a person presenting documents in Old Kingdom private tombs. Hoping to distinguish them from one another, I gave them the following loosely descriptive names, referring to the action suggested by the position of the document: "stretch", "rock", "hold", "preach", and "promote" the document. . Except 1: stretch/unfold the document (22 examples) The presenter unfolds the document with both hands. The near arm (ie, the arm from the shoulder closest to the document) is extended by bending downward at the elbow, while the hand usually holds the document by the top edge (Fig. 3). . The pose often seems too awkward for the clerk to read the text, suggesting that the owner of the tomb is in the process of delivering the papyrus. An example shows a document actually placed in the outstretched hands of the tomb owner.

Tomb of Ankhmahor Sesi at Saqqara: Urk. 1, 203.7 = Jean Capart, A Street of Tombs at Saqqarah (Brussels, 1907), pl. 49.63 = Schott, Bücher und Bibliotheken, page 332 § 1503: ßd.t n≠f sß n ̊rst≠f dyt n≠f m ¢tp d¡ nswt, "Upon reciting to him the document of the funeral team which had been delivered to him as ¢ tp -d¡-nswt. see also the tomb of Qar at Giza: Simpson, The Mastabas of Qar and Idu, Giza Mastabas 2 (Boston, 1976), page 9 and fig. 28. Of the Middle Kingdom, cf. Blackman, Meir 3 , pl. 23 (tomb B4, Ukh-hotep, son of Ukhhotep and Mersi): ßd.t sß ¡n flry-¢b ¢ry-tp sß m∂£tu Ìnw s£ W∞-¢tp, “Reading from document by the high priest reader, scribe of books, son of Henu, Ukh-hotep."


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8 7

figure 6 3. Position 1: document "stretching/stretching". (1) Hemp (Giza): Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, page 441, fig. page 262. (2) Khafre-ankh (Giza): fig. 9; Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 9a (= photographs of MFA expeditions A 7390 [Jan. 18, 1936] and A 7398 [Jan. 21, 1936], both unpublished). (3) Nefer and Kahay (Sakkara): Moussa and Altenmuller, The Tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay, Figs. 13. (4) Nikaure (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 15. (6) Neferbauptah (Giza): Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, fig. 11. (7) About the Accursed (Sakkara): van de Walle, About the Accursed, pl. 12. (8) Nofer I (Giza): Junker, Giza 6, p. 37, fig. 5.


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(Additional examples appear under the other poses described below.)22 In another case, the tomb owner extends his left hand, palm open, to receive the document23. To look beyond the Old Kingdom for a moment, the 3D wooden example on the "Yacht T" model from the 11th Dynasty tomb of Meket-re at Thebes (MMA 20.3.4) is instructive in explaining the pose 1 In three dimensions, the presenter's arms are at the same height; the papyrus is unfolded and oriented so that a seated Meket-re can read "a thousand loaves and beer, a thousand oxen and birds." down to hold the papyrus down, similar to pos. 1. The proximal arm, on the other hand, extends downward and then toward the papyrus, bending upward at the elbow (Fig. 4). The arm usually disappears behind the document and the hand reappears on the other side to hold or rock the papyrus. The hand of the near arm is usually placed in the middle of the document. Pose is much more conducive to reading the document aloud, but just as well-suited for handing it over to the owner of the tomb. In what we could call variants A and B of position 2, the papyrus can be unrolled (A, 17 examples) or rolled and sealed (B, 8 examples).25 Position 3: holding a document (14 examples of position A ;4 out of B) This pose resembles position 2 except that the nearer arm holds the papyrus on top (Fig. 5). Thus, the presenter no longer rocks it, but 20 extra

examples of pose 1, not shown in Fig. 1 . 3, is found in the Werirni tombs: Davies, Sheikh Saïd, pl. sixteenth; Khentkaues (Giza): Junker, Giza 7, p. 73, fig. 31; Neferbauptah and Iymery (Giza): Weeks, Mastabas Cemetery G 6000, Figs. 9 (= Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 56a) and 27 (= Fischer, Orientation of the Hieroglyphs, Part 1, Reversals, p. 72, Fig. 74, and Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 49a); Rashepses (Sakkara): Lepsius, monuments 2, pl. 61a; Perneb (Sakkara): Ransom-Williams, Decoration of the tomb of Per-Neb, pl. 6 and Hayes, Scepter of Egypt 1, page 92, fig. 51 and H.G. Fischer, in Art of the Old Kingdom (Mainz am Rhein, 1995), page 83, fig. 2; Werkhu (Giza): Hassan, Giza 5, page 248, fig. 106 = Lepsius, Vol. Supplementary, nn. 38; On Hemet (Giza): Junker, Giza 6, pl. 56, figure. 40; Ptah-hotep (Sakkara, ls 31): Lepsius, Memoirs 2, pl. 102a; and Rawer (Giza), Lepsius, supplementary volume, pl. 25; P. Munro, A Northwest Cemetery I. The Double Tomb of Queens Nebet and Khenut (Mainz am Rhein, 1993), page 66, please. II.3 and 38. 21 An

an unusual example from the Shetwi tomb at Giza shows the presenter holding the papyrus from above with the nearest hand, but apparently pointing to it with the free hand of the outstretched far hand; see Junker, Giza 9, page 187, fig. P. 86. 22 Jakub, Hieroglyphic Texts of Egyptian Stelae, etc., Part 1, ed. 2, pl. 29.2, no. 718 (Werirenptah of Saqqara, temp. Neferirkare or later, PM 3, 2nd ed., p. 699). 23 Moussa and Altenmüller, Tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay, pl. 24th 24 See J.E. Winlock, Patterns of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt, trans. 60 please. 45 (bottom), 49 (right) and 50 (top, center). For information on the papyrus displayed on the lap of Amenhotep, son of Hapu(?) (OIM 14321), cf. E. Teeter, "Amunhotep son of Hapu at Medinet Habu," JEA 81 (1995), pp. 232–236, p. 22


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7 8




10 9

Fig. 4. Except 2: "hugging" the document. (1) Khaf-Khuf I (Giza): Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khaf-Khuf I and II, p. 12 and 13, pl. 17b, figure. 29. (2) Merib (Giza): Priese, The Creation Chamber of Merib, p. 23, 32, 58; Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 22b. (3) Duaenre (Giza): unpublished photographs of the MFA expedition B 7990 [10 January 1932] and A 3654 [20 September 1925]. (4) Meresankh III (Giza): Dunham and Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, page 20, fig. 12 pl. 12c. (5) Khunes (Zawiyet el-Meitin): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 105a. (6) Nefer-ked (Giza): unpublished: photographs from the MFA expedition A 6481 [April 10, 1932], A 6482 [April 11, 1932]. (7) Wehemka (Giza): according to Kayser, The Mastaba of Uhemka, p. 107–1, 36–37. (8) Seneb (Giza): Junker, Giza 5, p. 89, fig. 22. (9) Nofer I (Giza): Junker, Giza 6, p. 36, fig. 5. (10) Iymery (Giza): Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000, fig. 39 = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 51.


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2 1






8 8

Fig. 5. Except 3: "possession" of the document. (1) Seshat-hotep (Giza): according to Junker, Giza 2, page 183, fig. 29. (2) Nisut-nefer (Giza): Junker, Giza 3, p. 169, fig. 30. (3) Seshemnofer IV (Giza): Junker, Giza 11, p.209, fig. 80. (4) Ptah-hotep (Sakkara): Selim Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara, 1937–1938, vol. 2, Mastabas of NyTMankh-Pepy and others (Cairo, 1975), page 49 pl. 44; Murray, Success Mastabas 1, pl. 9. (5) Cage (Sakkara): von Bissing, Gem-ni-kai 1, pl. 13. (6) Shechemka (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 89c. (7) Pepiankh-hery-ib (Meir): Blackman, Meir 4, pl. 16. (8) Neferherenptah (Giza), unpublished: MFA expeditionary photograph B 8903 (12/11/1937).


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Fig. 6. Pose 4: “głoszenie” document. (1) Meresankh III (Giza): Dunham and Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, pl. 2c, ryc. 3b. (2) Fetekta (south of Abusir): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 96. (3) Kagemni (Sakkara): von Bissing, Gem-ni-kai 1, pl. 12. (4) Hemre-Isi (Deir el-Gebrawi): Davies, Deir el-Gebrawi 2, pl. 18. (5) Kahif (Giza): Junker, Giza 6, s. 115, ryc. 34, pl. 6a. (6) Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep (Sakkara): Mysteries and Starry Lights, The Capture of Niankhchnum and Chnumhotep, scene 15.2, p. 103, pl. 34 and ryc. 13. (7) Idut (Giza): Macramallah, Idut, pl. 20. (8) Mereruka (Success): Duell et. al., Mereruka, pl. 51. (9) Thou (Success): Savage, Tomb of thee, pl. s. 167. (10) The (Sakkara): taste, pl. 27


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Peter Der Manuelian, Introducing the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes

holds very tight. The official can read it or hand it to you, but the document remains quite attached to your body. Again, 3A can be distinguished where the papyrus is unfolded and 3B where it is rolled up. An example can be showing the document in motion (?), first in the hands of the presenter, and then in the outstretched hands of the owner of the tomb-recipient26. With exceptions to the pose described above, that is, with the near hand at the bottom of the document and the far arm at the top, compare the figures in the tombs of Seshem-nofer IV (pos. 3A) and Kagemni (pos. 3B) . straight and up, holding the top of the papyrus document (fig. 6). The other arm comes down again to grasp the bottom of the papyrus. The presenter appears to be holding the document as far away from his body as possible. He holds it fully extended, at its full length, passing it to the owner of the tomb. One tomb shows an official holding the papyrus gently at the top between thumb and forefinger, with the other fingers clearly marked separately,28 while another shows the same hand with the fingers folded protectively over the upper front edge of the papyrus. papyrus29.

the tomb of Nofer (I), the figures of the presenters hold a document folded in the south thickness and open in the north thickness; Junker, Giza 6, page 36, fig. 5. Additional examples of pose 2, not shown in Fig. 4, can be found in the Inti (Deshasheh) tombs: W.M.F. Petrie, Deshasheh (London, 1898), pl. 13 = N. Kanawati and A. McFarlane, Deshasha. Tombs of Inti, Shedu and others (Sydney, 1993), p.25 pl. 28; Hemre-Isi (Deir el-Gebrawi): Davies, Deir el-Gebrâwi 2, pl. 18; Duaenre (Giza): previously unpublished, MFA expedition photos A 6762, B ​​5768, A 6759; Khnumhotep (Giza): A. Fakhry, Sept tombeaux à l'est de la grande pyramide de Guizeh (Cairo, 1935), fig. 7, MFA expedition photos A 7177 (July 19, 1933), A 6965 (May 28, 1932); Setju (Giza g 4710 = lg 49), unpublished: MFA expedition photos A 7925 (February 21, 1938), A 7140 (June 30, 1933); Tjenti (Giza, lg 77), unpublished: photographs of expedition MFA A 7452–53 (3 February 1936); Ipy (Giza, lg 80), unpublished: photographs of expedition MSZ A 7465–66 (19 February 1936); Iymery (Giza): Weeks, Mastabas Cemetery G 6000, fig. 39 = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 51; Khunes (Zawiyet el-Meitin): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 107; and Khentkaus (Abusir), M. Verner, Abusir 3, The Pyramid Complex of Khentkaus (Prague, 1995), pp. 70, 86 (90/A/78); Qar (Giza): Simpson, Mastaby of Qar and Idu, page 9, fig. 28; Nebet (Sakkara): Munro, Der Unas-Friedhof Nord-West I. Das Doppelgrab der Königinnen Nebet und Khenut, page 70 pl. 17 (twice). 26 Pepiankh-hery-ib (Meir d 2): Blackman, Meir 4, pl. fifteen; see above, footnote 18. 27 Seshem-nofer IV: Junker, Gîza 11, page 209, fig. 80; Kagemni: von Bissing, Gem-ni-kai 1, page 13. Additional examples of pose 3, not shown in Fig. 5, can be found in the tombs of Rashepses (Sakkara): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl .64a; Khnumenty (Giza): Brovarski, Giza Mastabas, in preparation; and Niuty (Giza): Lepsius, Ergänzungsband, pl. thirty; Nebet (Sakkara): Munro, Der Unas-Friedhof Nord-West I. Das Doppelgrab der Königinnen Nebet und Khenut, page 70 pl. 19 (three examples) and page 66, please. II.3 and 38. 28 Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep (Sakkara): Moussa and Altenmüller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep, scene 15.2, p.103, pl. 34 and Fig. 13. The thumb is also visible on the figure from the tomb of Za-ib at Giza (g 2092+2093): A.M. Roth, A Cemetery of Palace Attendants, Giza Mastabas 6 (Boston, 1995), page 110, please. 68b and 172c.


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Studies in honor of William Kelly Simpson

Pose 5: Presentation of the document (4 copies in two tombs) This is the only pose that suggests a medium other than papyrus for the presented document (fig. 7). The presenter extends both hands in front of him and grabs the document with both hands from below (or from the side?). The royal papyrus would fall if it was held only at one end; therefore, the document may represent a writing board or blackboard rigid enough to withstand being supported by the edge. Note, however, the discussion above under the presenter's wardrobe and equipment, of Fig. 2 papyrus papers pointing around the presenter. The clerk can barely read the document aloud in this pose, so he is definitely handing it over to the tomb owner. Variations of poses and several examples Several scenes show interesting variations of the typical Egyptian perspective, with torsos and arms in three-quarter or real profile. Most of these examples can be found when the presenter is looking to the left in the scene towards the owner of the grave looking to the right. Some of them can also be attributed (often to the late Old Kingdom) to provincial varieties, developed at a distance from the dominant courtly styles of the earlier Old Kingdom. Examples of one-armed poses shown in three-quarter perspective are found in the tombs of Werirenptah, Iymera, Werkhu, HemreIsi, Pepiankh-hery-ib and Ti30. Both arms appear to be leaning towards the document, often with one arm behind the other, in the tombs of Khafre-ankh, Pepiankh-hery-ib, Seshat-hotep, Nisutnefer, Kahif and Kaninisut31. The most striking example is found on a loose block from the tomb of Neferherenptah at Giza (g 4311; fig. 8). The prefix pre-


29 Yes

(Sakkara): Savage, Tomb of You, pl. 167. Additional examples of item 4, not shown in FIG. 6, is found in the tombs of Senedjemib-Mehi (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 74c; and Kaemnofret (Giza), unpublished: photographs of the MFA expedition A 7375 (January 9, 1936), A 7334 (January 3, 1936); Nebet (Saqqara): Munro, The Unas-Freedom of the Northwest I. The Double Grab of the Queens Nebet and Khenut, page 60, please. I.4 and 13, p.63 pl. 14 and p.70 pl. 17.30 Werirenptah (Saqqara): James, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae, etc., Part 1, ed. 2, pl. 29.2, n. 718; temperature Nefer or posterior, PM 3, ed. 2, page 699); Iymery: Weeks, Cemetery mastabas G 6000, fig. 26–27, pl. 12b = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 49a; Source: Hassan, Giza 5, page 248, fig. 106; Hemre-Isi: Davies, Deir el-Gebrâwi 2, pl. 19; Pepiankh-hery-ib: Blackman, Meir 4, pl. sixteenth; Tea: Wild, Tea Tomb, pl. P. 167. An unusual Middle Kingdom example in the tomb of Khnumhotep (tomb 3) showing sß ™ nswt Nfr-¢tp with two documents, one of which is folded, cf. Newberry, Beni Hasan 1 (London, 1893), pl. 30. 31 Chefreankh: Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 9 = Harpur, Decorations in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom, page 526, fig. 183; Pepiankh-hery-ib: Blackman, Meir 4, pl. 15; Seshathotep: Junker, Giza 2, page 183, fig. 29; Nisut-nefer: Junker, Giza 3, page 169, fig. thirty; Kahif: Junker, Giza 6, page 114, fig. 34, pl. 9; Rabbits: Junker, Giza 2, page 153, fig. 19


figure 2 7. Except 5: "Feeding" the document. (1) Rabbits (Giza): Figs. 2 and Junker, Giza 2, page 153, fig. 19. (2) Tjenti (Giza): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 30, idem, Ring, pl. 26

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Peter Der Manuelian, Introducing the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes

the sender, the custodian of the documents (¡ry-m∂£t) appears in partial profile, with his left arm outlined and his chest protruding. It is worth mentioning a few examples of officials seated during the presentation of documents. In Ptahhotep's tomb at Saqqara, a seated presenter places a document directly into the hands of the tomb owner. In the tomb of Meriba in Giza sits an official holding a rolled document with the signature (in front of the owner of the tomb): and Nisut-nefer (see translations of subtitles below).




Dig. Fig. 8. Digital drawing of a loose block 37-7-21 from the tomb of Neferherenptah at Giza (g 4311; actually found at g 4341), based on expeditionary photograph MFA B 8903 (11/12/1937).

Orientation of the presented document It is interesting to ask about the orientation of the text in the papyrus document. Are the subtitles written horizontally or vertically? Papyrus seems to be almost always vertical, with text in columns instead of horizontal lines. Actual examples, such as the Hekanachte letters, confirm this orientation. However, it is possible that the Egyptian representational perspective obscures the subject matter here, and one wonders if the scene is carved with one arm displayed "over" the other so as not to obscure part of the document or the presenter's hand. This question can be answered with three examples that actually preserved hieroglyphs on the papyrus document itself (Merib, Khaf-khufu I and Fetekta; see Figs. 1 and 4 [No. 2], 4 [No. 1] and 10 and 6 [No. 2]). They present hieroglyphic text in a vertical columnar arrangement. It should be noted, however, that the seated scribe from the tomb of Ibi at Deir el Gebrawi shows the text written horizontally. The legend above the scene reads sß ¡my-r pr ¡my ¡b nb ≠ f Sn¡, "The scribe and steward who is in the heart of his master, Seni." The document itself says: s™™ k£w ™wt 32,400, “Cattle production, large and small, 32,400”. lines (see Fig. 9).36 32 R.F.E.

Paget and A.A. Pirie, The Tomb of Ptah-hetep (London, 1896, reprinted 1989), p.27 at. 35. 33 Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 22c = Priese, Die Opferkammer des Merib, pp. 32, 59. For a recently published example of a Middle Kingdom seated scribe, see Henry G. Fischer, The Tomb of 1/2 at El Saff (New York, 1995), back wall, please. 5 and G. 34 TGH James, The Hekanakhte Papers and other Early Middle Kingdom Documents (New York, 1962). For a discussion of papyrus production, size, reverse, and orientation of papyrus fibers, etc., see Jaroslav ◊ern≈, Paper and Books in Ancient Egypt; see also R. Parkinson and S. Quirke, Papyrus (Austin, 1995), B. André-Leicknam and C. Ziegler, Naissance de l'écriture. cuneiformes et hiéroglyphes (Paris, 1982), esp. p. 340–57.


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Dig. Fig. 9. Fragment of the eastern wall of the tomb of Chefren-ankh in Giza (g 7948 = lg 75; photograph of the expedition MSZ A 7390, January 18, 1936).

This detail is found, logically, almost exclusively in the scenes in which the presenter grabs the papyrus from above and below, that is, he separates the two end scrolls, revealing only part of the text content (see poses 1 , 3 and 4). One example even shows the fingers of the lower hand wrapped around a papyrus scroll that would logically be invisible in modern perspective. absent from this representation.


Davies, Deir el-Gebrawi 1, pl. eleven; for improvements in translation, see Henry G. Fischer, "Notes, Mostly Textual, on Davies' Deir el Gebrâwi", JARCE 13 (1976), pp. 11–13. In the tomb of Pepiankh-hery-ib at Meir, there is a similar scene, although no text is seen on the document itself; see Blackman, Meir 5, pl. 15. The caption above the scene reads: sß m ™wy ¢mt n flrt £bd 84, "Recording the work of working hands throughout the month, 84" (after Fischer, JARCE 13 [1976], p. 11) . 36 Cf. Chefre-ankh (g 7948 = lg 75): our Fig. 9 and Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 9a, unpublished photographs of the expedition MFA A 7390, 7398; Kanefer (Giza, g 2150): Reisner, Giza Necropolis 1, page 441, fig. 262; Meresankh III (Giza, g 7530–40): Dunham and Simpson, The Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, pl. 2c, Figure 3b; Shetwi (Giza): Junker, Gîza 9, page 187, fig. 86; Perneb (Sakkara; now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art): Ransom-Williams, The Decoration of the Tomb of Per-Neb, pl. 6, Hayes, Scepter of Egypt 1, page 92, fig. 51; Werkhu (Giza, lg 95): Hassan, Gîza 5, p.248, fig. 106; Hemet-re (Giza): Junker, Giza 6, pl. 56, figure. 40; Pepiankh-hery-ib (Meir): Blackman, Meir 4, pl. fifteen; Sekhemka (Giza, lg 51 = g 4411): Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 89c; Ti (Sakkara): Wild, Tombeau de Ti, pls. 19 and 167. 37 See Schäfer, Von ägyptischer Kunst, ed. 4, page 147, fig. 126, page 254 = Early Egyptian art, page 143, fig. 126, page 253.


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Peter Der Manuelian, Introducing the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes

Dig. Fig. 10. Thickness of the north entrance to the tomb of Khufu-khaf I at Giza (g 7130–7140; MFA expedition photo A 6747, December 20, 1931).

Document Content As mentioned above, the document presentation scene often occurs without any identifying signature. In other cases, no more is said than the fact that the papyrus is offered rm££, 'for inspection'38. In only three examples is the papyrus actually written; the fourth shows a seated scribe writing a text. Two examples from Giza 38 See

Tea Tomb at Saqqara, Savage, Tea Tomb, pl. 167.


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they show figures engraved on the document itself, and a third destroyed scene from Saqqara contains painted markings. Other examples may have once featured texts only in paint, which has since disappeared. The following is a table of contents of the papers wherever they are clearly marked in our corpus. The first three entries, Merib, Khaf-khufu I and Fetekta, contain inscriptions directly on the documents. Merib (Giza; Fig. 1 and 4 [No. 2]). The document is presented by the festival perfume sealer, but not only ointments are mentioned in the text: 200,000 t 40,000 ¢n˚t 3,300 p£t 500 ߣ†t 500 ¡w£ 400 m£-¢∂ 200 sr 400 †rp Bread: 200,000, beer: 40,000, biscuits: 3,300, shatjet-food: 500, oxen: 500, oryx: 400, sergeese: 200, tjerep-geese: 40,039 Khaf-khufu I (Giza; Fig. 4 [No .1] and 10). The general title of the scene mentions seeing summoning offerings. Since there is no other scene on this jamb, it can be assumed that the documents contain lists prt-∞rw:40 Wetki Document: t? […] [¢n˚t?] 200,000 p£200,000 […] 400 †rp? 300 […] 600? Bread? […], [beer?] 200,000, cookies 200,000, […] 400, tjerep-geese? 300, […] 600? Documentary Iunka: you? 30,000¢ n˚t 30,000 p£20,000 ¢ n˚t 20,000 […] 400? […] Sir? 200? […] 200 […] 200 †rp? 200 seconds? 200 bread? 30,000, beer 30,000, cakes 20,000, beer 20,000 […] 400?, goose cheese? 200? […] 200, […] 200, tjerep-geese? 200, se-geese? 200 Fetekta, (South Abusir; Fig. 6 [No. 2]): […] pr […] nswt […], […] Estate […] king […]41 Ibi, Deir el-Gebrawi: s™ ™ k£w ™wt 32 400, Livestock production, large and small, 32 40042 Khentkaues (Giza), Ptah-hotep (Sakkara), Sekhemka (Giza): n∂t-¢r, sacrifices43 Seshat-hotep (Giza) , Nisut -nefer (Giza), Merib (Giza): w∂b-rd, reversion sacrifices44 Kaninisut (Giza): sß n n¡wt n pr-∂t, funerary cities document45 Meresankh III (Giza): sß n ¢ mw-k £, document of mortuary priests46 Shetwi (Giza): sß r m££ prt-∞rw, inspection of summoning victims47 39 Priese,

The Oven Chamber of Merib, p. 23, 32, 58 = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 22b. the numbers of the documents, difficult to read in the drawing, are not translated in Simpson, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, pp. 12–13, pl. 17b, figure. 29. There are no photographs of the MFA expedition scene, taken directly on site, for "remote courting"; the scene warrants further investigation at Giza. 41 Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 96. On the newly discovered tomb: M. Verner, "The Tomb of Fetekta and Late Dyna. 5 – early dynamometer. 6 South Abusir Cemetery, MDAIK 50 (1994), pp. 294–305. 42 Davies, Deir el-". Gebrawi 1, pl. 11; Fischer, JARCE 13 (1976), pp. 11–13. 43 Khentkaues: Junker, Giza 7, page 73, fig. 31; Ptah-hotep: Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara, 1937–1938, 1938; vol. 2, Mastaby NyTMankh-Pepy and others, page 49 pl. 44; Murray, Sakkara Mastabas 1, pl. 9; Fischer, Orientation of Hieroglyphs, Part 1, Inversions, pp. 73 and 75, Fig. 76 ; Shekhemka: Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 89c. 44 Seshat-hotep: Junker, Giza 2, page 183, fig. 29; Nisut-nefer: Junker, Giza 3, page 169, fig. thirty; Merib: Priese, Die Opferkammer des Merib, pp. 23, 32, 58 = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 22b. 45 Junker, Giza 2, p. 153, fig. 19. 46 Dunham and Simpson, Mastaba of Queen Mersyankh III, p. 9 pl. 2c , figure 3b


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Peter Der Manuelian, Introducing the Scroll: Papyrus Documents in Old Kingdom Tomb Scenes

Qar (Giza): words, many glorifications48 Kagemni (Sakkara): three signatures on the cattle list: m∂£t sß n TMwt, document of list of goats, m∂£t n ¡w£ ¡ my m∂t oxen stables and m ∂£t n wn∂w document of the shorthorn cattle Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep (Sakkara): sß n ¡∞t bnrt, candy document49

Texts that accompany the presentation scene Twenty-six examples were collected, in which the action of the presentation itself is described by means of a caption. With a few notable exceptions, the phrase usually begins with the infinitive of the verb rd¡ and ranges from a few words to a full descriptive sentence. Attested forms of the verbs include d¡, d¡.t, rd¡, and rd¡.t. Other initial narrative infinitives are £wt 'extend', s¡™.(t) 'utter' and ßd.t 'recite'. The orientation arrows used below always refer to the direction the hieroglyphics are facing, for example, it points to .50. In the following passages, additional texts containing names and titles have been omitted (for the titles of document presenters, see discussion above).




Poza 1: Rashepses, Sakkara ls 16 (Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 64a)

. Ú›

d¡ sß Presentation of Document Element 1: Kaemnofret, Giza lg 63 (Badawy, Tombs of Iteti, SekhemTMnkh-Ptah and Kaemnofret at Giza, Fig. 29 = Lepsius, Denkmaeler 2, pl. 91c);


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